Ji on ICC and Puea Thai government

4 11 2012

Ji Ungpakorn has circulated his take on the ICC visit to Bangkok. We reproduce it as received from a reader:

Don’t hold your breath that the Pua Thai Government will accept the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court

Giles Ji Ungpakorn

Millions of Red Shirts would like to see the military generals and Democrat Party politicians brought to court for ordering the shooting of un-armed pro-democracy demonstrators in 2010. But this government is unlikely to pass a simple cabinet resolution to accept the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court on this matter. This would allow the prosecution of those who committed such state crimes. The reason why it is unlikely to happen is because:

1. The Government and Taksin have made an agreement with the military from when Pua Thai won a landslide victory in the July 2011 elections. Previous to this, General Prayut, head of the army, had been extremely hostile to Pau Thai. This explains why today Pua Thai and the UDD Red Shirt leaders never again mention the role of the military in killing demonstrators. They just talk about Democrat politicians like former Prime Minister Abhisit. This fits with what Taksin has stated. He claims that the political crisis was only a confrontation between him and the Democrat Party.

2. If the Government accepted the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court on the issue of state killings in 2010, the military would be investigated. Importantly, it would also open the door to future investigations by the ICC into Taksin’s role in state crimes at Takbai in 2004 and the extra-judicial killings in the War on Drugs while he was Prime Minister.

3. Taksin and the Pua Thai government need to create an image that they are “doing something” about those who shot the Red Shirts. But although this is partly because of rank and file Red Shirt pressure, it also serves the purpose of being a bargaining chip with the military in order for them to give the green light for Taksin’s return to Thailand. They are also acting out another “play” to show that they are doing something by trying to charge Abhisit at the ICC abroad, on account that he holds dual British-Thai citizenship. This only applies to Abhisit and not the army generals. It is also unlikely to succeed.

4. Pua Thai and Taksin are part of the Thai ruling class. Two factions of this class have been in violent dispute with each other. But they are united in not wanting to improve the standards of human rights in the country and not wanting any state crimes, from 1973 to today, investigated. They are united also on not reforming lèse majesté and on the need to use the King for their own differing interests.

I would so like to be proved wrong on all this. I would love to see the state criminals brought to justice, the political prisoners released, lèse majesté repealed and myself and others would like to return to Thailand. But this dream can only be made into reality if progressive Red Shirts organise a political party independent of Pua Thai and the UDD leadership.





Ji rejects TRCT

19 09 2012

Ji Ungpakorn has circulated his reaction to the Truth for Reconciliation Commission report and press conference. PPT reproduces it here:

The Thai Truth for Reconciliation Commission Sides With the Royalist Elites

Giles Ji Ungpakorn

It comes as no surprise that the full report published by the so-called “Truth for Reconciliation Commission” should side with the royalist elites. After all it was set up by the previous military appointed government. Its claims to be “independent” mean only that it is independent of any democratic accountability.

The Commission spends a lot of time talking about the so-called “men in black”, as though there was some kind of civil war between two sets of armed fighters. Yet the real picture, which they try to obscure, is that in 2010 the Abhisit Government and the army deployed tanks, armed soldiers and snipers against an unarmed group of protestors who were demanding democratic elections. We know that snipers fired live rounds against unarmed Red Shirts because the military’s own bullet audit shows this. There are numerous photos and videos of unarmed civilians being shot in the street by soldiers and there are the dead bodies of civilians, killed with military bullets. Nearly all the 90 odd deaths in April and May were civilians killed in this way. A mere handful of soldiers died after a grenade attack in April, probably from a rival military faction, and a couple died later by “friendly fire”. We cannot escape the obvious conclusion that a military-installed government deliberately killed unarmed protestors in order to avoid an election. Those responsible: the Prime Minister at the time and his deputy, the head of the army and the previous head of the army are all guilty of murder. The leaders of the 2006 coup should also be punished. For reconciliation to take place, justice must be done. But the Truth for Reconciliation Commission aims to sweep state crimes under the carpet.

All this commission can say about the army is a limp wrist call, begging the soldiers to be neutral and not to stage coups.

It is a different story when it comes to the monarchy. The Truth for Reconciliation Commission calls for robust measures, using the Lèse Majesté law, to punish those who insult the monarchy. It makes some meaningless suggestions about minor reforms of the law, but does not discuss the fact that the law itself is a serious obstacle to freedom of speech. Neither is there any suggestion that Lèse Majesté prisoners be immediately released.

The Commission says that the government should encourage more discussion about the monarchy in order that the people can understand its importance. Such discussions would not allow any debate about whether Thailand should be a republic. The old conservative excuse about Thai culture is used by the Commission to confirm that Thailand “must” remain with a monarchy and that there must not be any criticism of it. The reality of Thai society is that the monarchy was very unpopular during many periods of history: in the late 19th century, around the 1932 revolution, during the communist war and today.

The Thai monarchy is a political tool of the military, the bureaucracy and big business, who make up the ruling class. Protecting the monarchy is about protecting this class and has little to do with protecting the King himself who is weak and pathetic. The Commission, which is a ghastly off-spring of the ruling class is obviously protecting its own.

One of the reasons that I was charged with Lèse Majesté was because I wrote a book which asked whether the Constitutional Monarch should protect the Constitution from a military coup. Under the proposals from the Truth for Reconciliation Commission I could still face many years in jail for this question. I was lucky enough to manage to leave Thailand and go into exile. But Somyot Pruksakasemsuk and many other Lèse Majesté prisoners are rotting in jail for merely making political statements against the dictatorship after the 2006 coup.

The Truth for Reconciliation Commission report is a farce and a cover-up for the gross abuse of democracy and human rights committed by the Thai state. If people are looking for true reconciliation, they should support the proposals of the Nitirat Group, which seek to end the cycles of coups and build real justice in society.





Ji on Thaksin’s political narcissism

21 05 2012

Giles Ji Ungpakorn on Thaksin Shinawatra’s inability to distinguish himself  (me, me, me) from the broader politics of the red shirt uprising:

Taksin says the Thai political crisis “was just about himself

Giles Ji Ungpakorn

Speaking over the phone to thousands of Red Shirts who were assembled on the spot where nearly 90 people were killed by the military two years ago, Taksin claimed that “the 91 deaths, the thousands of injuries and the imprisonments … were for one thing only: to get rid of ME and my supporters.”

Like the interview he gave in Cambodia last month, his ego has no limits and he is trying to rewrite history where the Red Shirts were “merely” his followers. In fact Taksin played no role in building the Red Shirts and never actively led resistance to the military junta before that. He is now denying the strong pro-democracy current among most Red Shirts and even the republican mood which resulted from prolonged struggle. The Red Shirt movement was the biggest social movement to ever arise in Thailand. Its members have a dialectical relationship with Taksin, Thai Rak Thai and Pua Thai. While they supported Taksin and his parties, rank and file Red Shirts were also fighting for their own dignity, freedom and democracy and they made huge sacrifices for their goals.

The Red Shirt movement grew in political maturity as people struggled against the military after the coup of 2006. The movement to reform or abolish the lèse majesté law and to support the “Nitirat” reforms, which would scrap all laws resulting from the coup, is clear evidence of this. The Nitirat proposals would also allow for the punishment of those generals and politicians who were responsible for killing unarmed demonstrators.

Taksin almost totally ignored lèse majesté in his speech and concentrated on urging Red Shirts to help rebuild Thailand under the slogans of “Nation, Religion and Monarchy”, with “Democracy” mentioned as an afterthought. The reality is that Thailand can never be democratic and free as long as the lèse majesté law exists and as long as the generals and politicians who gun down political activists in the streets are never made accountable for their actions.

Taksin went on to indicate that he would return home to Thailand very soon. If he does manage to return, it will be at the expense of those charged with lèse majesté who are rotting in jails and those killed by the military, none of whom can return home.

One reason why Taksin can dishonestly claim that the Red Shirts were “only about him” is the fact that those Red Shirts who are much more progressive than Taksin and Pua Thai are not organised enough and have yet to wrestled or properly contested the leadership from the hands of the UDD which fully supports the Yingluk Government. But some by-election results where Pua Thai voters stayed at home, causing the party to loose, may be an indication of a general dissatisfaction.





Ji on Ampol and lese majeste at Green Left

15 05 2012

A little while ago we posted a statement by lese majeste exile Ji Ungpakorn following the death in custody of lese majeste convict Ampol Tangnopakul. Ji has a new commentary at Green Left Weekly. Even though the account is pretty close to the earlier post, we post it in full, with emphasis added by PPT:

Thailand: Death of man jailed for insulting king reveals brutal system

Sunday, May 13, 2012

By Giles Ji Ungpakorn

The death in prison of poor odd-job man Aa-Kong (also known as Ah Kong) is yet another indication of the barbarity of the lese majeste (insulting the monarch) law, the injustice of the Thai legal system and the brutality of the Thai ruling class.

The fact that he was refused bail to get medical treatment, and the that the prison authorities waited three days after he became ill before sending him to the prison clinic, is an indication of the terrible conditions in Thai prisons.

He was convicted of lese majeste for supposedly sending an SMS message to ex-prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva’s personal secretary. The evidence given by the state proved nothing.

In Thailand, generals and politicians who ordered repeated killings of unarmed demonstrators on five occasions since 1973 have never been charged or punished. But criticising the ruling class is considered to be a “grave offence”. Long prison sentences are handed down for lese majeste.

As progressive Red Shirts gathered to light candles and place flowers in Aa-Kong’s memory, some held up posters that asked “Who killed Aa-Kong?”

The simple answer is that King Pumipon, Abhisit Vejjajiva and Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra are collectively responsible for Aa-Kong’s death.

King Pumipon has limited powers. He cannot order the military to stage coups or to gun down pro-democracy demonstrators, although he provides legitimacy for such vile actions afterwards.

But one thing that Pumipon has the power to do is to say that lese majeste must no longer be used and that all lese majeste prisoners be immediately released.

After all, the Thai ruling class claims this barbaric law is there to protect Pumipon. Yet Pumipon said not a word about releasing the prisoners. He does not care a fig about ordinary Thai people, and shows more affiliation with his pet dogs.

This is not the first time that Pumipon has remained silent and allowed innocent people like Aa-Kong to die. He remained silent when three innocent palace servants were executed for his brother’s death.

Pumipon knew they were innocent because he was there when his brother died of a gunshot wound.

Pumipon lacks any basic morals. He has never carried out his duty to protect democracy and the constitution and therefore he is unfit to be the head of state. His actions and those of the military prove that Thailand urgently needs to become a republic.

Abhisit became prime minister in 2008 only because the army put him in office. He had never won a majority in any election.

While he was prime minister in 2010 he ordered the killing of unarmed pro-democracy demonstrators. Aa-Kong was put in prison because of Abhisit’s actions.

Yingluck won a huge majority in last year’s election. Red Shirts (a pro-democracy movement based on the poor majority) voted for her en masse.

Yet she has betrayed all those who are in prison for political reasons and all those who died for democracy.

Yingluck could have spoken out against any further use of lese majeste and she could have called for the release of all lese majeste prisoners. Yet she and her loathsome government ministers insisted that they would increase prosecutions under lese majeste and they set their faces against any reform of the law.

Instead of building democracy and justice, Yingluck has spent her time loving up to the military. She is responsible for Aa-Kong’s death in prison.

Aa-Kong is dead. Let us all make sure that the other lese majeste prisoners such as Somyot Pruksakasemsuk, Surachai, Da Torpedo and all the others are quickly released.





Ji Ungpakorn on Ampol’s passing

9 05 2012

Pumipon, Abhisit and Yingluk killed Aa-Kong

Giles Ji Ungpakorn

The death in prison of the poor odd-job man “Aa-Kong” is an outrage and it is yet another indication of the barbarity of the lèse majesté law, the injustice of the Thai legal system and the brutality of the Thai ruling class. The fact that he was refused bail to get medical treatment, and the fact that the prison authorities waited 3 days after he became ill before sending him to the prison clinic, is an indication of the terrible conditions in Thai prisons. He was convicted of lèse majesté for supposedly sending an SMS message to ex-Prime Minister Abhisit’s personal secretary. The evidence given by the state proved nothing.

In Thailand, generals and politicians who ordered repeated killings of unarmed demonstrators on 5 occasions since 1973 have never been charged and never been punished. But criticising the ruling class is considered to be a “grave offense”. Long prison sentences are handed down for lèse majesté.

As progressive Red Shirts gathered to light candles and place flowers in Aa-Kong’s memory, some held up posters which asked the question “Who killed Aa-Kong?” The simple answer is that King Pumipon, Abhisit Vejjajiva and Yingluk Shinawat are collectively responsible for Aa-Kong’s death.

King Pumipon has limited powers. He cannot order the military to stage coups or to gun down pro-democracy demonstrators, although he provides legitimacy for such vile actions afterwards. But one thing that Pumipon HAS the power to do is to say that lèse majesté must no longer be used and all lèse majesté prisoners should be immediately released. After all, the Thai ruling class claim that this barbaric law is there to protect Pumipon. Yet Pumipon said not a word about releasing the prisoners. He does not care a fig about ordinary Thai people, and shows more affiliation with his pet dogs. This is not the first time that Pumipon has remained silent and allowed innocent people like Aa-Kong to die. He remained silent when 3 innocent palace servants were executed for his brother’s death. Pumipon knew they were innocent because he was there when his brother died of a gun-shot wound.

Pumipon lacks any basic morals. He has never carried out his duty to protect Democracy and the Constitution and therefore he is unfit to be the Head of State. His actions and those of the military prove that Thailand urgently needs to become a republic.

Abhisit became Prime Minister only because the army put him in office. He has never won a majority in any election. While he was Prime Minister in 2010 he ordered the killing of unarmed pro-democracy demonstrators. Aa-Kong was put in prison because of Abhisit’s actions.

Yingluk won a huge majority in the 2011 election. Red Shirts voted for her on mass. Yet she has betrayed all those who are in prison for political reasons and all those who died for Democracy. Yingluk could have spoken out against any further use of lèse majesté and she could have called for the release of all lèse majesté prisoners. Yet she and her loathsome government ministers insisted that they would increase prosecutions under lèse majesté and they set their faces against any reform of the law. Instead of building democracy and justice, Yingluk has spent her time loving up to the military. She is responsible for Aa-Kong’s death in prison.

Aa-Kong is dead. Let us all make sure that the other lèse majesté prisoners such as Somyot, Surachai, Da and all the others are quickly released.





Ji at British Republican

14 04 2012

Readers might find Ji Ungpakorn’s take on the monarchy, republicanism and ruling class ideology and politics at British Republican blog of interest. It begins:

For the last forty years the Thai ruling class has maintained its power through the Military, the Monarchy and occasionally by the use of an electoral system dominated by the money politics of business controlled political parties. The naked coercive power of the Military and other state institutions is complemented by the ideology of the Monarchy. This is achieved by imposing and socialising the belief among the population that the King is an all-powerful god who is to be loved or at least feared. Obviously this belief is a complete myth, but at various times it has been effective in serving the interests of the conservative ruling elites.





Ji on reconciliation

8 04 2012

Readers will be interested in Ji Ungpakorn’s latest take on the political situation in Thailand, reproduced in full below:

Status quo in Thailand protected by so-called “reconciliation”

Giles Ji Ungpakorn

Two years after the start of the brutal crack-down against unarmed pro-democracy Red Shirts in Bangkok and 9 months after the election victory of the Pua Thai Party government, the real meaning of “Reconciliation” has become crystal clear.

Pua Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawat, elected by millions of Red Shirt voters in July 2011, is constantly photographed, with friendly smiles alongside General Prayut Junocha, the Butcher of Bangkok. It was General Prayut and General Anupong Paojinda who ordered troops to fire on unarmed pro-democracy demonstrators in April and May 2010. Democrat Party politicians Abpisit Vejjajeewa and Sutep Tuaksuban, who were in Government at the time, also have blood on their hands. But the new Government and the authorities have no plans to bring these murderers to court. In fact the opposite is the case. Soldiers involved in the blood bath have been promoted and Pua Thai politicians have gone out of their way to show friendship to the Military.

At the same time, the Government has raised the use of Lèse Majesté to manic and repressive levels with increased imprisonments and persecution. Corrupt government ministers like Chalerm Yubamrung have spear-headed this repression against the freedom of speech, along with IT Minister Anudit Nakorntup. Those who have not yet been found guilty, like Somyot Pruksakasemsuk, have been denied bail and are shackled when appearing in court. Others, who have poor health, like Surachai Darnwatanatrakun and “Aa-Kong” have been forced to “confess” in the hope of a royal pardon at some time in the future. Naturally the Government is refusing to amend this draconian law. The Pua Thai government’s supine attitude towards Lèse Majesté and its support for huge wasteful spending on Royal ceremonies is not just an attempt to “prove” its royalist credentials. It is a way to prove that it is serious about grovelling to the Military and allowing the Military to have an extra-constitutional veto. The Military are the main beneficiaries from Lèse Majesté, since the law helps them to justify all that they do, including killings and coups, by claiming to protect the Monarchy.

There have been no attempts to release non-Lèse Majesté Red Shirt prisoners either. The only concession was to move them to a “political prison”. This did not apply to Lèse Majesté prisoners, however.

The parliamentary committee overseeing “reconciliation” is none other than General Sonti Bunyaragarin, the man who staged the 2006 coup!

Taksin Shinawat, who was overthrown by a military coup in 2006, is keen to steer Pua Thai towards reconciliation with the Military and the elites. He hopes to be able to return to Thailand soon. The public prosecutor has recently dropped Lèse Majesté charges against exiled politician Jakrapop Pencare. He was initially charged with making a speech attacking the “patronage system” at a talk at the Foreign Correspondents’’ Club of Thailand. Jakrapop used to be Taksin’s right hand man. This may be a crumb thrown in Taksin’s direction.

Another aspect of so-called “Reconciliation” has been to throw money at the relatives of those killed or to those who suffered in various ways during the political unrest. One is reminded of the arrogant rich buying off the families of the poor after they have killed people. The difference is that the money comes out of public funds, originating from taxes on the poor. No compensation is being paid out of the pockets of the butchering generals. In the South, money is also being thrown at relatives of civilians who were murdered in cold blood by the Army.

One reason why Pua Thai is not willing to bring the generals to trial may be that Taksin does not want to stand trial over the murdering of nearly 90 unarmed civilians at Takbai, in the South, in 2004.

The official leadership of the Red Shirt Movement (UDD) has made meaningless noises about not forgetting the dead and the need to help prisoners. It is pushing for minor constitutional reforms, but is refusing to back the reform or abolition of Lèse Majesté. In practice the UDD is keeping the lid on any mobilisation against government policies by progressive Red Shirts.

As the Pua Thai government, the Military, the Palace and Taksin join hands in “reconciliation” over the dead bodies of pro-democracy activists, while spitting in the faces of those political prisoners rotting in Thai jails, the only glimmer of hope is with the Nitirat Movement and the Movement to Reform Lèse Majesté. Nitirat want to abolish all laws resulting from the 2006 coup in order to open the way to prosecute the generals. Recently a leading Nitirat academic was violently attacked by royalists. Both these movements are acting as important poles of attraction for progressive Thais and they should be given full support.

Genuine Peace and Reconciliation can only be achieved with full Democracy, Freedom of Speech, the release of all political prisoners and the prosecution of state officials who have committed crimes. The Pua Thai government, the UDD and Taksin have no intention of bring this about.





Ji on courts and prisons

17 02 2012

Ji Ungpakorn has sent out a note that, as we usually do, is reproduced below. For additional general information on prisons, readers might find Thai Prison Life of some use.

Some facts everyone should know about Thai courts and prisons

Giles Ji Ungpakorn

Thailand has the 17th highest proportion of citizens in prison in the world, with 340 prisoners per 100,000 people. This compares to 64 for Norway and 94 for France.

1. Thailand’s judiciary only serve the authoritarian ruling elite. They are protected by a draconian “contempt of court” law, much like lese majeste, which prevents citizens or the media from criticising any judges or court judgements. For this reason there is no transparency or accountability in the judicial system. There is also no jury system and Thailand locks up political prisoners who dare to express anti-establishment views.

2. Judges, police and court officials treat the general population with contempt. The poor are usually “guilty” before trial. Often judges do not bother to come into the court and defendants have to speak to the judge through a close-circuit TV. On many occasions judges speak so quietly that defendants and members of the public cannot hear what they are saying or what they have decided about the case. Prisoners awaiting trial are often locked in police vans in the hot sun for hours. Court official create obstacles to granting bail in order to force poor people into buying expensive commercial bail bonds from entrepreneurs. In the case of lese majeste, the general population and the media cannot discuss any case and debate its merits as everything is secret.

3. The basic premise that defendants are innocent until proven guilty is never applied in practice, despite being written in the Constitution. Many defendants, especially in lese majeste cases, are refused bail before trial. The mere accusation that people have “sold drugs”, “are seeking to overthrow the monarchy” or “are terrorists” is enough for mass extra-judicial killings.

4. Defendants in trials are shackled and forced to wear inhuman prison uniforms. It is like the Middle-Ages. This means that they are abused before the outcome of the trial and have to attend court looking like “criminals”. This results in miscarriages of justice. This applies to many cases, including lese majeste trials. In lese majeste trials you can be found guilty even if what you said and wrote was factually true.

5.  There is no genuine debate in Thai society about the role of prisons. Prisoners who are found guilty and locked-up have no human rights what so ever and few people care. The main reason for this is that the Thai ruling class does not even regard ordinary people as “citizens with rights”. They are made to grovel to the rich and powerful and prisoners are treated even worse. So are migrant workers for neighbouring countries.

6. Thai prison conditions are appalling. Often at night prisoners are chained together, 30 to a room, with no proper beds. The toilets are a disgrace, the food is very bad, there are no proper libraries or exercise facilities and the prison guards are totally corrupt. In short, prisoners are treated like animals. Prisoners are also made to work in the streets of Bangkok, digging out filthy slime, by hand, from drain pipes.

7. Thai prisons are full of poor people, mainly on charges related to theft and drugs. There is no discussion about the causes of crime or the need for drug policies which reduce harm. For the rich and powerful, the sons of corrupt politicians and the Generals, all their crimes go unpunished. Politicians and the Military can just shoot down unarmed civilians with absolute impunity. They have done this in 2010, 2004, 1992, 1976 and 1973.

8. Punishment in the Thai judicial system is totally out of proportion. People get just a few years in prison for murder or violence, while lese majeste prisoners are sentenced to anything between 20 and 40 years. Those who commit mass murder of demonstrators and those who stage military coup are rewarded.

That is why the political reforms proposed by the Nitirat Group and those reforms proposed by all those who want to abolish or reform lese majeste are so important today. That is why the old order, including the Peua Thai Government, the Military, and even the UDD leadership, are so opposed to any change. They cloak themselves in lies about “reconciliation”. But “reconciliation” can only start when the mass murderers are sent to trial, the political prisoners released and the judicial system is thoroughly reformed.





Royalists: election results mean nothing

29 01 2012

Thammasat University is usually considered to be one of the most progressive of universities in Thailand. Its origins are in the civilian elements of the People’s Party. The People’s Party overthrew the monarchy in order to establish a democracy in Thailand. Through the ups and downs of military and royalist opposition to the people’s voice, Thammasat has tended to reflect its foundation as a university of the people. It is seemingly fitting that Nitirat should blossom at such a university.

Reading The Nation it seems that some old law graduates have forgotten everything about their university. They also appear to have forgotten the most basic notions of justice that is meant to be a part of the law.

Opposing the Nitirat group of law lecturers at Thammasat and their proposals regarding lese majeste and coup-related laws, the law class of 1958 has:

issued a statement calling for an end to Nitirat’s use of the university as a venue for its activities, and alleged that the group had defamed the Royal institution. They said that since the lecturers were government officials but did not support Thai democracy with the monarchy as its head, they should be fired.

We fully understand that aged lawyers – they must all be in their mid-70s – can be forgetful of the heritage of their faculty and university and may also have forgotten the law itself. Even so, their call would be more at home from tinpot military despots than people who were once trained in law and philosophy.

But it is a class that does include some of the major political figures like the Democrat Party’s Chuan Leekpai and royalist ideologue Meechai Ruchupan. At the Bangkok Post these old men are said to be worried that Nitirat professors would have “a bad influence on the students.”  They called for

Disciplinary probes should be launched against the lecturers as they have shown they do not have faith in democracy with the King as head of state….

PPT can well imagine that these aged royalists worry that their ideological edifice is crumbling.

Of course, all of Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva’s closest allies are jumping on the anti-Nitirat train. Abhisit’s buddy Sathit Wongnongtoey is reported at The Nation as “mobilising party members to oppose the group.” When his party was in government, Sathit was responsible for closing opposition and independent media.

In a coordinated attack, Sathit claimed the country was facing “a new security threat.” He identified this as “the distorting of information about the monarchy institution to make it look bad.” We are a little mystified by this claim as most recent “information” has been pro-monarchy. Sathit demanded “[m]ore dissemination of correct information was needed…”. We wonder how much more propaganda is possible.

Another close Abhisit  aide joined in. This is Thepthai Senapong who went the additional step and linked Sathit’s claims to the Yingluck Shinawatra government. He “said the ruling Pheu Thai Party had made it clear at certain levels that they would not make a move to amend the lese majeste law. Whether people believed that or not was another matter, however, he said.” He then exploded into claims of disloyalty:

Thepthai said the lack of trust was related to the fact that many figures associated with the party, from former premier Thaksin Shinawatra down, had been embroiled in actions or words deemed as disloyal to the throne. He claimed that the ousted and convicted former premier always attacked the monarchy in interviews with foreign media.

Thepthai then did a bit of lateral concocting and said the actions and movements of people like Jakrapob Penkair and rather bizarrely, Ji Ungpakorn to claim that “people would trust Pheu Thai when it comes to the issue of the monarchy, no matter how many statements they made.” Thepthai has a history of making scurrilous claims.

PPT has made the point that ultra-royalists – be they old lawyers or the DemoPAD Party – will never accept Puea Thai no matter how royalist it makes itself. Whatever Puea Thai does, it is “disloyal” and this is the issue chosen to bring the election result undone.

For the Democrat Party and its royalist allies in the military, palace, PAD, and so on, the battle began the day the voting public rejected them.

Puea Thai has been misguided (if not politically stupid) in believing that their battle was won when it won that election. Even now surveys show that the public is not supporting the ultra-royalists and Puea Thai has far more support than the Democrat Party. But that counts for nothing with the royalists: they are not democrats and they are desperate to save their crumbling royalist regime.





Ji Ungpakorn faces 4 lese majeste charges

8 01 2012

Ji Ungpakorn

As readers will surely know, Ji Ungpakorn was an Associate Professor of Political Science at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok when fled Thailand in February 2009.

The lese majeste case against him at that time – A Coup for the Rich [clicking this link takes readers to a 141 page PDF of the book] – related to comments made in his book , was due to be heard in court on 9 February 2009. Ji, who holds both Thai and British citizenship,  left for England, stating, “It is clear that the charge is really about preventing any discussion about the relationship between the military junta and the monarchy,” and adding, “This is in order to protect the military’s sole claim to legitimacy: that it acted in the interests of the monarchy.” He was concerned that he  would not receive a fair trial.

He has remained outside Thailand since then.

In a recent email, Ji states:

I am proud to announce that the Thai DSI has 4 lese majeste cases against me. Three cases are for writing books or articles and a fourth one is for giving a talk at The London School of Oriental and African Studies. Presumably the Thai Department of Special Investigation thinks it has jurisdiction over the U.K. for preventing freedom of speech.

Here is the Matichon newspaper link for 3rd Jan 2012. Many others are on the list, but Taksin [Thaksin Shinawatra] and I top the list with 4 cases each.

PPT will post a translation of the Matichon list of 33 cases later in the day.







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