What a story!

20 03 2017

The junta’s minions have come up with a remarkable story regarding the weapons “seized” in Pathum Thani.

In our earlier post we did express some skepticism about the report and added a note about Thai Rath saying the weapons were for an assassination plot. We expressed skepticism about that claim as well.

There has been a lot of skepticism, and not just from us. (The yellow-shirted royalists and anti-democrats believe all the stories.)

So the junta has come up with a story of a “plot” that suggests a remarkable effort to weave together a range of moral and political panics by the junta and among its anti-democratic supporters.

We cannot say that there is nothing in the “plot” claims – after all, all “plots” have to have some aspect to them that will convince true believers to believe. However, the royalists and anti-democrats have concocted a remarkable number of plots over the past decade to justify their political actions. Think of the Finland Plot, the infamous republican plot diagram and the “Khon Kaen model.” None of these has ever been shown to be other than a political concoction.

More recently, there was the claimed republican plot to murder The Dictator. We mention this, because it seems that the junta is using this to weave its current plot:

Police believe the huge cache of mostly military weapons retrieved on Saturday were intended to be used against authorities who had laid siege to Wat Phra Dhammakaya, including a plot to kill Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha.

Add to this remarkable aggregation of Wat Dhammakaya and a plot to assassinate The Dictator, the weapons are located at a “house linked to hardcore red-shirt leader Wuthipong Kochathamakun, alias Kotee.” Then stir in a claim that “some of the seized weapons had been taken from soldiers during the violent red-shirt political rallies in mid-town Bangkok in 2010.”

Even the words in that quote are meant to reinforce the notion that red shirts are still “violent” and a political problem.

The cops reckon that the “weapons were being prepared for a potential attack against officers that had surrounded and were searching Wat Phra Dhammakaya in Pathum Thani’s Khlong Luang district…” and “were prepared to ‘harm or assassinate’ … Gen Prayut…”.

A police chief says that something he called “[a]n investigation” that “found people in Kotee’s group were preparing to use weapons to assassinate the government’s leading figures including Gen Prayut…. We found a rifle with a scope. We guarantee that this is not to shoot at birds but was going to be used to assassinate the leader of the country…”.

That’s a remarkably frivolous piece of evidence gathering and imaginative supposition.

He goes on: “If the government uses forces to suppress people in Wat Phra Dhammakaya, the armed group would be ready to help the temple and hurt officers.”

Evidence? It seems that “police and the DSI have always suspected that political groups have operated in Wat Phra Dhammakaya and intelligence from both agencies points to allegations they had tried to cause unrest.” Confirming this for the authorities, “[0]fficials found people in Mr Wuthipong’s network had been entering and leaving the temple prior to the siege and had been meeting him in the neighbouring country [Cambodia].” In fact, of the nine people so far arrested, the police say “[o]ne … was found to have showed up to the temple before…”.

It is a flimsy story. But there’s more: “Pol Gen Chakthip [Chaijinda] said Mr Wuthipong has played a role in inciting people to fight against the monarchy, and he is a supporter of Wat Phra Dhammakaya.”

And still more: The nine “suspects” had “joined the 2010 red-shirt political rally in central Bangkok.” The implication that the public is meant to draw from this is that the suspects might be “men in black.”

So far there’s red shirts, republicanism, Wat Dhammakaya, assassination, war weapons, men in black and monarchy involved in the plot. What more could there be? How about the frustration of the regime unable to extradite those they hate?

While Ko Tee has denied the arms belonged to him, the cops admit he’s been on the run since early 2014 (not since the coup as we said in our earlier post). “Pol Gen Chakthip said police had tried to contact … Cambodia … for Mr Wuthipong’s extradition, but had received no helpful reply.”

Now the police can claim that Ko Tee “allegedly played a leading role in gathering weapons to support the temple and as such must be considered a threat to national security…”. This “plot” will presumably help with gaining his extradition.

The next step for the police will be to parade the “suspects” before the media where they will presumably admit their guilt and “confirm” the “plot.” They may even be made to re-enact some “crime.” That’s the pattern.

With 3 updates: Arresting protesters

18 02 2017

Several reports say that the military junta has moved against anti-coal-fired power station protest leaders.

Khaosod reports that the junta’s thugs arrested “three activists who led an overnight protest in front of the Government House against the regime’s plan to build a coal power plant in the south.”

At least “100 protesters from Krabi province demanded the government scrap the project, citing fears of environmental and health damages, only to be told by junta chairman [General] Prayuth Chan-ocha on Friday the construction will go ahead as planned.”

They rallied at Government House overnight and in the morning, police “moved in and arrested three protest leaders and took them into custody.”

The police arrested Prasitthichai Nunual, Akaradej Chakjinda and Mom Luang Rungkhun Kitiyakara. Yes, that’s a princely Kritayakara.

Later, another two were arrested.

The Dictator had warned them not to rally. They rallied. He had them arrested. Like anti-junta protesters, they were all taken to the 11th Military Circle military base. They are charged with “violating the military government’s order against gatherings of five people or more after they refused to end the rally…”. They will be dragged before a “civilian court on Monday.”

As might be expected when southerners and members of the elite are arrested, immediately, a “network of southern academics and communities urged the government to release the detainees and reconsider the plan to build the 780-megawatt power plant.” These academics and “communities” declared that the “arrest of the key leaders to put pressure on the rally to end is against basic rights and humanitarian acts…”.

We don’t like coal-fired power stations. Even so, we have to ask: Where were this network when the student anti-coup activists have been arrested, abducted and charged?

Then the “Thai Labour Solidarity Committee pledged to stay behind the protesters to block the project. It called for an end to government attempts to end the rally as it could lead to more confrontations and conflict.”

Where were they when the student anti-coup activists have been arrested, abducted and charged?

Oh, yes, those arrested are among those who might have supported the coup.

And there’s the rub. The junta is going after its own supporters because they are behaving “badly.” We expect that even the dullards who inhabit the junta will quickly work out that this might not be a great political move. If they don’t, maybe some of the current protesters will get a lesson in junta politics.

Update 1: The Bangkok Post reports that a further 12 protesters were taken away but later released. Some “100 Krabi residents were staying near to Government House” and the Post suggests that “the number is expected to swell considerably after news that representatives from Save the Andaman from Coal’s 51 allies are going to join are going to join the group in Bangkok.”

The detained protesters got a visit from national human rights commissioner Angkana Neelapaijit. Remarkably, given that it is generally silent, she suggested that the National Human Rights Commission “is considering making a statement about reminding the government it needs to understand people’s rights and the freedom to hold a peaceful protest.”

In fact, this protest has been no less peaceful than those held by student activists and and anti-coup activists.

Junta mouthpieces were active, seemingly seeking to downplay notions that there is any political conflict.

Colonel Winthai Suvaree “said the leaders were taken for talks to find a solution to the issue. Police have not yet pressed any charges against them…”. Meanwhile Lt Gen Sansern Kaewkamnerd said the “arrests were made because the protesters failed to disperse or move to a designated protest area set aside by authorities, who were trying to negotiate with the group.”

Update 2: The Nation reports that 16 protesters were arrested. It also reports that “[l]egal experts condemned the move, saying it was a severe violation of the protesters’ rights and demanded that they be released immediately.” The lawyers stated that the arrests “violated basic human rights and it was a misuse of power.”

Where were they when student activists and anti-coup activists were repeatedly arrested? Exercising their double standards?

This doesn’t apply to Chainarong Sretthachau, a lecturer at Mahasarakham University, who has supported students in the northeast in environmental protest. He made the good point that the “use of absolute power to crack down on peaceful protesters was a violation of human rights, because the Thai government had ratified international agreements.”

Update 3: The junta has sorted things out, solving its apparent political contradiction. The Bangkok Post reports that the detained “[f]ive leaders of the protest … have been released and demonstrators dispersed after the government agreed to renew the project’s environmental impact assessment and the environmental health impact assessment.” Sansern said this resulted from “talks between representatives of the government and core leaders and coordinators of the Save the Andaman from Coal group who had submitted a proposal to the government.”

We guess the realization that they were feuding with allies was a consideration. As the mouthpiece explained, “It should be made clear that the government is concerned about the people.” Its people.

This seems important as the Save the Andaman from Coal group declared “talks with the government representatives went smoothly. The protest leaders had been well looked after and the government had agreed to their proposals.” The group ended the protest and said that “protesters were set to return to their home province on Sunday. He said police would provide them with transport as well as food and water.” How nice.

The political nature of the agreement was emphasized when the five protest leaders who had been arrested “were brought to the protest site by Government House … and released…. They were accompanied by Lt Gen Apirat Kongsompong, commander of the 1st Army, and Pol Gen Chakthip Chaijinda, the police chief.” How politically nice.

Believe it or not

27 12 2016

The military dictatorship’s usual pattern when dealing with “conspiracies” is to quickly “capture,” parade “ringleaders” and declare a “network” of “conspirators.” Usually the “conspirators” are declared to be directed by “leaders” overseas.

Since the 2014 military coup, this has been the standard operating procedure for the police and military. People go to jail and little more is heard of their cases or of the supposed conspiracy or network.

With the the passage of the amended and draconian computer crimes law, there were repeated cyber-attacks on easy targets – usually government, police and military websites or databases – the junta went into a bit of a spin. Military cyber warriors were ordered to capture those responsible.

As expected, within days, they had arrested up to nine perpetrators. The announcement was made by deputy premier General Prawit Wongsuwan who called the press together and paraded one “suspect.” It was the military that “arrested” the “suspects.”

PPT has to admit that these speedy arrests immediately caused us to be skeptical. After all, if the military and junta can’t protect their websites and databases even in the most basic ways, why would we believe that they can quickly capture the hackers?

A second thing that caused skepticism is that the country’s police chief has decided to bring attention to himself by taking charge of the “investigation.” That maneuver is usually a dead giveaway that this is a performance rather than an investigation.

A third reason for being skeptical was provided by the police chief, Police General Chakthip Chaijinda, who stated that 19 year-old Natdanai Khongdee was capable of the attacks, saying, “Natdanai was knowledgeable about technology since he had dropped out of a technical college in Bangkok’s Khlong Sam Wa district.” If accurate, this claim hardly seems credible.

The not so bright police added that Natdanai was not just hacking government websites, but was “allegedly in possession of two pistols, a rifle, two gun frames, ammunition, three compressed bars of marijuana and computer sets and accessories when apprehended.” Such claims seem to paint a picture of a “suspect” who does not fit the usual profile – if there is one – of “public interest” hackers.

We may never know the truth of the matter, but waiting to see if the cases just fade away will be telling of another beat-up by the military dictatorship.

The lese majeste ploy II

27 10 2016

As we noted in our previous post, during the mourning period, the military junta has been hard at work burnishing its ultra-royalist political credentials chasing down those it considers disloyal.

When it comes to political exiles, its activities are largely bogus but that seems not to matter in this slithering, salivating attention-seeking. Extradition has been the mantra of some, like General Paiboon Khumchaya, who carries the moniker of “Justice” Minister.

The latest lese majeste ploy involves Police General Chakthip Chaijinda who claims that “the police were working with Interpol on legal action against the lese majeste suspects living overseas.” It is not entirely clear if he means exiles or new “suspects” who he says are guilty of having “produced content deemed in violation of Section 112 of the Criminal Code … from overseas and released it online.”

In any case, the Police General, who says he has “no idea what these lese majeste offenders are thinking…”,seems to want to extradite them back to Thailand.

At the same time, and seemingly with no consciousness that he is contradicting himself and looking both dull and silly, he also claims that he wants to send anti-monarchists in Thailand somewhere else. Not only that, he offered to pay for them to leave:

“For those who are in Thailand, if they don’t want to live here [because they’re dissatisfied with the monarchy] they can leave the country. If they don’t have enough money to buy air tickets, I’m willing to pay for them.”

Let’s be clear on what Chakthip seems to desire. He wants Interpol to hunt down and extradite exiles and perhaps other “lese majeste offenders” overseas and he also wants to send similar minded Thais overseas.

That illogical “thinking” suggests that what Chakthip really wants is some embellishment of his ultra-royalist credibility in Thailand.

Meanwhile, not to be left out in this grasping at royal aura from the dead king and (presumably) from the yet to be king, junta spokesman and lackey Lt Gen Sansern Kaewkamnerd has said that The Dictator has taken up the extradition mantra. General Prayuth Chan-ocha has “instructed state agencies to study which countries Thailand had agreements on extradition with and which countries had cooperated on such requests in the past.”

Well, we know none have ever cooperated on lese majeste extradition requests (if, indeed, any have ever been made).

The loyal Sansern then engaged in a bit a illogical banter on behalf of The Dictator, first saying that the lese majeste law was never used by the monarchy – “[t]he [royal] institution has never sued anyone for defaming the monarchy or royal family – and then contradicting this by saying that the “beloved and respectful institution … would rarely seek recourse to the courts itself…”.

It seems that the appeal of royalist grandstanding by taking advantage of the mourning period is so strong that it evokes bucket loads of loyalist junta froth and babble.

Further updated: The junta and the bombs

15 08 2016

Rest assured. All is well and normal in Thailand now. The bombs were not terrorism. The authorities already have people in custody. Everything is under control.

That’s been the message from the military dictatorship and the one they want heard. It is not an unusual message as it has been heard with regard to previous bombings.

The problem for the junta is that it doesn’t know what’s happening and there are multiple messages from various junta members and their flunkies in the police and military.

What is clear, as was also seen a year ago with the Erawan bombing, even when the junta has no idea about who were the perpetrators, it seeks to make political capital from the bombs, blaming political opponents.

Of course, this is not unusual for the military. Over several decades, the military has been able to use bombings, some by others, some by the military itself, to make political capital. Indeed, this junta came to power after bombings and other violence were used to destabilize an elected regime. The junta made political gain from these events rather than doing what it was required to under the constitution.

They are again making the most of this set of coordinated bombings and fires. Some of the news shows us the contradictions and the political opportunism. (Did anyone say something about finishing of the Puea Thai Party?)

The Bangkok Post reported a little while after the blasts that “[p]olice say conditions have returned to normal following a series of deadly bomb blasts…”. The script was being followed.

The report also claimed police stated that “preliminary evidence suggested the attacks on Thursday and Friday were not the escalation of the secessionist campaign in the three southernmost provinces.”

As scripted, “[t]here were unconfirmed reports earlier that two suspects had been detained for questioning following the incidents that killed four people and injured 35…”. The first confirmed arrest, by the military, was “of a 67-year-old political activist and former constitution writer in the southern province of Trang.”

He was Prapas Rojanapithak. He was detained under Article 44. Oddly, and off script,

Mr Prapas was a member of the committee that drafted the 2007 constitution following the military coup that overthrew former premier Thaksin Shinawatra. He was also member of the Trang chapter of the yellow-shirted People’s Alliance for Democracy, and belongs to other non-government organisations including the Trang Rubber Planters Network.

However, “Prapas joined 90 other southern academics and activists in signing a statement condemning the May 22, 2014 coup that overthrew the government of Thaksin’s sister, Yingluck Shinawatra.” The Post reported that he “insisted he had no link with the red-shirts’ United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD).”

Deputy police chief Pol Gen Pongsapat Pongcharoen is also reported, stating “the violence was not a major expansion of the secessionist campaign that has been concentrated in Yala, Pattani and Narathiwat and rarely targets foreigners…”. This is simply untrue but fits the script.

Junta spokesman Maj Gen Sansern Kaewkamnerd “suggested those behind the blasts could be people who have ‘lost benefits’ — code for followers of Thaksin — because of last Sunday’s referendum, in which 61% of voters approved a new constitution that will entrench the power of the military for years to come.”

Police chief Pol Gen Chakthip Chaijinda “vowed that this time the network of the perpetrators would be completely uprooted.” In case anyone wondered who he meant, he added: “People will finally know who was behind these acts aimed at destroying the country.”

A few hours later, the Bangkok Post reported that junta spokesman “Piyapong Klinpan said one suspect has been arrested and six activists detained…”.

The actual number abducted and detained is unknown. Based on previous experience, none of these persons is likely to involved in the bombing.

Joining the finger pointing is none other than the junta’s trained “academic” parrot, Panitan Wattanayagorn is reported at Prachatai: as a “security expert.” He’s not. He’s simply a paid adviser to a bunch of generals. He told the BBC “that series of arson and bomb attacks in southern provinces of Thailand on 11-12 August 2016 were likely to be connected people who are negatively affected by policies of the PM and political development.”

Panitan doesn’t just imply. He shouts: “He said that it was quite clear that the attack was motivated by politics by certain groups of people…”. The poisonous Panitan  declared that it was:

the old powerful groups, those who have been charged for defaming the Thai monarchy or corruption or powerful groups who have been negatively affected by arrests and policies to crackdown on regional powerful networks.

Read that carefully. This is Panitan using the monarchy for political gain. This is a paid dipstick using the monarchy for the military dictatorship. This is a fascist declaring the monarchy’s politics as the junta’s politics.

Joining the other dopey propagandists he also “told the BBC that the perpetrators of the attack are not likely to be Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN) … because such attack outside the three restive Deep South provinces are counterproductive to the BRN’s goals.”

He’s wrong. He knows he’s wrong, but he is lying for the dictatorship.

Indicating that Panitan is as thick as a concrete slab, the police began moving away from the political line. Deputy police chief Pongsapat said “while the explosive devices were similar to those used in the South, the attacks are not related to the insurgency.” Yet he still claimed a “mastermind” was behind the attacks. (That rules out Panitan and the junta.)

Not long after, the Bangkok Post reported that Pol Maj Gen Sompong Chingduang said “three police units have been asking hotels, apartments and houses rented by foreign nationals to check their customers’ and tenants’ identification documents. If necessary, identification information should be sent to authorities.”

Recall that everyone else is saying the bombings have nothing to do with foreigners.

Pol Maj Gen Sompong then warned “people not to share or post online unverified information that could have far-reaching repercussions on security. Anyone with intent to spread messages to create havoc is liable for heavy punishment under the Computer Crimes Act.”

The Bangkok Post then reported that real “[f]orensic evidence suggests the explosive devices used in multiple bomb and arson attacks in seven southern provinces last week were of the same type used in the far South…”.

Junta spokesman Piyapong declared that “a campaign was under way by some groups to mislead the public into believing the violence was related to the insurgent movement in the deep South, particularly the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN).”

Does he mean the police and their forensic teams? Pol Lt Gen Suchart Theerasawat stated: “The bombs used in the Phuket, Phangnga and Surat Thani attacks were related and similar to those found in insurgent attacks in the deep South…”.

The Post also reports that “intelligence officials have not brushed aside the possibility that the series bombings and arson attacks were the work of the BRN.” In fact, “[o]fficials investigating BRN field commandos are confident the recent attacks were a ‘show of force and network expansion’ of Thailand’s largest insurgent group.”

These officers note that BRN opposed the military’s charter:

They have also sent key messages that they did not want a new charter until the parliament — civilian or military — addresses their Malay Muslim identity as a group or state in the highest law….

At this stage, the source of the bombs remains unclear. The motives are also unknown. What we do know, is that, as before, the junta is making political gain from the events.

Update 1: A series of articles in the Bangkok Post refer to “confusion” in the regime on bombings, the “blame game” – blaming political opponents for bombings – and the investigations that are pointing south. The twist in the latter article is that the regime seems to be seeking to claim that southern “insurgents” might have built, planted and detonated the bombs, but at the behest of a “mastermind” in the political opposition.

Update 2: The reports coming form the junta and police continue to confuse. It is not clear to PPT if this is a problem solely with the authorities or also with the reporting. In a recent report, we are told that police have an arrest warrant “issued for a key suspect in two foiled bombings in Phuket last week, a man who also has links to the southern insurgency…”. Here’s the confusing bit:

Pol Gen Sriwara Rangsipramanakul said the military court of the 41st Army Circle in Nakhon Si Thammarat had approved the warrant after tests showed DNA samples collected at the bomb scenes clearly matched the DNA of a suspect involved in attacks around Tak Bai in Narathiwat since 2004. Details of the suspect were withheld because he was still being tracked down.

So the police and the military have had the DNA of a bomber since 2004 but have never arrested him? Are we the only ones who see this as damning of the police and military? Or is something else going on?

Further updated: Bombs and politics

13 08 2016

As usual, when there have been significant bombings in Thailand, the authorities immediately discount international terror and southern separatists.

This denial is almost a Pavlovian response by the elite and rulers to maintain the environment they feel encourages foreign investment and tourism, which have been the lifeblood of their wealth for decades.

Now, some time after the bombings and fires, more information on the military dictatorship’s response is available. Much of the early journalism, including by “academics,” was speculative.

To date, no group has claimed responsibility for the incidents. CNN and BBC are on a loop, referring to the explanations of Thai officials focusing on local politics.

At the Bangkok Post, it is made clear that, as with the Erawan bombing a year ago, the first likely culprits on the junta’s list are political opponents:

Authorities are giving weight to the theory that anti-regime elements were behind the deadly coordinated bombings and arson attacks that rocked the South and the resort city of Hua Hin from Thursday to Friday.

Apparently a meeting of security officials chaired by Deputy Prime Minister General Prawit Wongsuwan, guessed that “political issues topped the possible cause of the attacks.” As the post reports an anonymous source,

This could be the work of opponents of the regime or those who wanted to discredit the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), which seems to have gained more popularity based on last Sunday’s referendum on the military-backed draft charter, in which most people voted in favour of the constitution….

As others have also claimed, national police chief Chakthip Chaijinda said that domestic politics was the source of the attacks because “the attacks took place in the provinces where the majority voted in favour of the draft charter and … those attacks were aimed at damaging the government’s handling of politics, tourism and the economy.”

He claimed that “the investigation” suggested to him that “the incidents were linked to people who have different political views and may be connected to the violence in the deep South due to the similar use of improvised explosive devices…”.

There’s been little evidence of such links in the past.

General Prawit “ruled out a spread of violence from the far South as a cause of the attacks…”. He confidently stated: “This motive can be discarded. I confirm this is not the case.”

It is this kind of declaration without investigation that suggests that the military itself may be involved. (Our view is that the junta’s loyal forces are probably wasn’t involved, based on its previous actions. However, disgruntled groups in the military, with extensive links in the south cannot be ruled out.)

Some in the junta’s administration apparently thought that if its not local political opponents then international terrorism is “the second possible cause, … noting there are reports of Islamic State (IS) activities in Malaysia…”. Indeed, the Post states that a “source at the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Ministry said the SIM cards in the mobile phones used to detonate the bombs were from Malaysia.”

General Prawit was aggressive, declaring that he would “bring those responsible for the attacks to justice. He then lied: “I will have the perpetrators arrested. We succeeded in making arrests every time, and will also do so [this time].”

Of course, if it is “local politics,” the military has seldom arrested anyone at all.

The Post says Prime Minister General Prayuth Chan-ocha “refused to pinpoint the motive behind the attack, saying the investigation is still under way.” That sounds good, except that it is not true, as the Post makes clear:

I want you to think what happened before and after the referendum. Why did the incidents take place when the country is getting better and moving towards improving its economy and tourism. I must ask, who are the ones who do not want these things to happen? Who are they? Find them for me….

In the same statement, officially released, Prayuth pointed a finger at domestic political opponents.

Junta pimp , Panitan Wattanayagorn “said both domestic and foreign intelligence warned of possible violence before the referendum…. Thai authorities deployed officials to keep tabs on suspects and nothing bad had happened, except some violence in the far South.”

Is he saying there was a failure of security officials?

Meanwhile, the Post reports a cause for wider concerns:

A source in the 4th Region army said the attacks were the work of political groups connected to a political base in the South. An order was made to carry out attacks in the popular tourist destinations as well as key business zones in the South and in Bangkok.

As usual, it sounds like the “official” response is confused, confusing and potentially scary.

Update 1: The Guardian has an interesting editorial on the bombs in Thailand and domestic politics.

Update 2: New Mandala has a useful post on bombs and the south. Well worth reading. It also has an earlier post speculating on who might be involved.

Updated: Gangsters

9 05 2016

Thailand is a country in the hands of gangsters and thugs.

Police General Chakthip Chaijinda, the police chief, has confirmed this.

According to Prachatai and other news outlets, on Saturday 7 May, the chief of police threatened all anti-junta activists, warning them that “their family members can be prosecuted, just like Patnaree Charnkij, an activist’s mother who has been charged under the lèse majesté law.”

Chakthip said his junta had “repeatedly and clearly explained the country’s roadmap to the public. Everyone was happy with it, except Patnaree’s son, Sirawith Seritiwat, aka ‘Ja New’, an activist from Resistant Citizen and the New Democracy Movement, and his friends, who were stubborn and disobeyed the junta. ”

This thug then brazenly declared:

“I want everyone to take Ja New (Sirawith) as an example. All politicians and other activists who previously took part in political movements are now in the place they’re supposed to be because they violated the law…”.

How much lower can the junta go? We suspect we have yet to  see the worst from this gang of thugs.

Update: Not only is the military junta a gang served by thugs, but by lying thugs. Despite the clarity of the statements above by Police General Chakthip, the Bangkok Post reports that junta spokesman Col Piyapong Klinpan “insisted the regime had not brought the charge to silence its critics.” Clearly, Piyapong has been sent out to lie for his bosses.