Earlier PPT posted on Suthep Thaugsuban’s speech to his supporters on this topic using a report at The Nation. It seems, however, that The Nation’s reporters and editors left out some of the juicier details of Suthep’s rant.
Khaosod reports on the speech where Suthep’s demagoguery became megalomania. In outlining his plans for how victory would be his, Suthep said that his supporters should mobilize local networks and “wait for the day of battle,” stating: “When I blow the whistle, all of these members must be present…. Bring out all the healthy persons, so we can embark on a prolonged fight, for at least 15 days.”
If there was a verdict by the Constitutional Court that removed Yingluck Shinawatra from her position, there would be an “instant mobilisation” with the anti-democrats being told they “will occupy Thailand so the sovereign power shall truly belong to the people.”
Suthep stated that:
that he would then install himself as the “Sovereign Body” who will wield absolute power via numerous “Revolutionary Decrees” and adoption of a single charter provision as a legislative blank cheque – in the same manner of military dictators in 1960s, such as the notorious Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat.
“We will have something like Article 17 [of 1959 Administrative Charter] as the highest law,” Mr. Suthep said, referring to the charter article which allowed Field Marshal Sarit to fight suspected Communist threats by all means, “[I] will be able to order anyone to be executed by firing squad, but I will only freeze assets”.
… “As a Sovereign Body who has seized power, I will have the power to appoint Prime Minister and Cabinet members at my own discretion. Then I will present this list to His Majesty the King, so that he can approve them as the People’s Government”.
Once His Majesty the King signed his approval for the “people’s coup”, Mr. Suthep said, the PCAD will proceed to appoint National Legislative Assemb[l]y and “People’s Council” as two unelected legislative bodies to engage in “reforms” for Thailand.
Suthep added that he would “return the power to the people once the ‘reforms’ are completed, but warned that he would mobilise his supporters onto the streets if the government he had appointed ‘failed to perform its duties’ as assigned by the PCAD.”
Khaosod observes that this “is the first instance in which he clearly outlined the procedures” for his so-called reforms.
Suthep was also prepared for a fight with red shirts as he “urged his supporters to be ready for prolonged rally in Bangkok for over 2 weeks in order to ‘deter’ any opponents who would march into Bangkok and challenge his status as the Sovereign Body.”
While this might be Suthep’s first public embrace of a scenario that promises civil war and extreme repression, his claims and statements in this speech bring together many statements and actions by the anti-democrat leader that have been chilling. Suthep now publicly embraces a form of 1930s-style Fascism for Thailand. While giving a nod to monarchism, Suthep promises his fascist royalists a new vision for Thailand: a civilian-led dictatorship.