Prachatai’s documentaries

If readers haven’t seen them, we want to draw attention to three documentaries recently posted to Prachatai. They are:

Talk for Freedom by iLaw and Prachatai. Described as a new documentary that tells the story of Mafang and Pai Dao Din, two of the participants in the Talk for Freedom public forum on the draft of the 2017 constitution at Khon Kaen University on 31 July 2016, who were prosecuted by the NCPO for violating the NCPO 3/2558, which prohibited a political gathering of more than five people. Of course, Pai Dao Din went on to serve time for lese majeste.

Wound of the Soul is a documentary by The Pen that tells the story of the effects of national security laws, such as martial law, emergency decree and the Internal Security Act, on those who live in the Deep South.

Humans of Muang Phia is by the New Isan Movement and Prachatai and tells the story of the Hak Ban Koet group’s fight against the Mitr Phol sugar factory and biomass power plant project and for their right to take part in making decisions about what happens in their hometown.

Weekend reads

We are still kind of catching up from our downtime a weeks or so ago, and want to recommend some interesting material for our readers. Hopefully our military censors/blockers will also learn something from these stories.

At the Bangkok Post: The Cambridge Analytica/SCL Group story is belatedly addressed for Thailand – we commented about 10 days ago – but adds little to the story, although there seems an attempt to diminish the possible role of the Democrat Party even though the only Thai cited is Chuan Leekpai. If there were links between the Democrat Party and/or its government and SCL, look to the party’s Anglophiles for the connecting points.

On the extrajudicial killings at Prachatai: Yiamyut Sutthichaya writes that  “March 17th marked the first anniversary of the death of the young Lahu activist, Chaiyaphum ‘Cha-ou’ Pasae. He was shot dead by a soldier…”. As far as we can tell, nothing sensible has happened on this case since day 1. It has been a cover-up. Read the account, weep for Chaiyapoom and weep for Thailand under the junta’s boot. This is a case of official corruption far more egregious than the Deputy Dictator’s watch saga. The latter interests the middle class who seem to care little for rural kids murdered by military thugs.

“No conspiracy”: The Dictator says he’s stuck to the “roadmap” and there’s no conspiracy to further delay the junta’s promised election. Everyone knows this is a mountain of buffalo manure, but The Dictator keeps saying it. No one believes him – no one – and Alan Dawson at the Bangkok Post calls him out. While at the Post, go and read the stir caused for the junta when Thaksin suggests that Puea Thai will do well when an election comes along. That’s also what the polls say, including the junta’s own polling. That’s also why the junta is splashing taxpayer funds about, seeking to buy supporters.

Insidious Internal Security Act: In talking with political scientist Puangthong Pawakapan, Kritsada Subpawanthanakun reminds us that the the Internal Security Act has now been around for 10 years. A tool wielded mainly through ISOC, it is used to undermine political opponents of Thailand’s establishment. This is highlighted by the fact that the current law was implemented by Gen Surayud Chulanont’s government, put in place by a military junta and borrowing Surayud from the Privy Council. The links between ISOC and the palace are long, deep and nasty.

For more on ISOC: Nutcha Tantivitayapitak writes of “ISOC’s cultural mission” in “the ideological promotion process of ‘nation-religion-monarchy’ by the security agencies…, especially after the enforcement of the 2008 Internal Security Act. Security agencies such as ISOC, which has power over civilian agencies, moved forward in ideological indoctrination through cultural tools.”

Updated: On Suthep, monarchy and violence

In an earlier post we mentioned Suthep Thaugsuban’s call to make the country’s administration a genuine monarchy. Jakrapob Penkair, who says this was a call for an absolute monarchy, comments at Asia Provocateur. He notes that “… Suthep is practically changing his stage rhetoric from anti-government into anti-democratic regime-change.” Revealing its bias, The Nation is reporting only the Democrat Party’s “fixed” version of Suthep’s call for a change of government, claiming he said:

“A people’s government will be established to amend the country’s rules so that it is genuinely a democracy under constitutional monarchy,” he said…. Suthep encouraged people who back the protesters’ cause to seize state power “with their bare hands” by occupying government offices all across the country.

In amongst all of this, the palace managed to get out some propaganda pictures of the beach-side monarch. This goes hand-in-hand with bizarre denials of any behind-the-scenes activism in Thailand, claims that the foreign media “hate” or “loathe” the monarchy, and manufactured complaints about the foreign media’s “bias,” that lend themselves to xenophobia and violence. Such complaints mirror elite, palace and royalist barking about CNN and other media during red shirt protests.

Suthep’s demonstrators are being egged on with calls to violence couched in terms of saving the country and monarchy. As the Bangkok Post states, he “ordered protesters to storm into the offices of the Finance Ministry and the Budget Bureau in the afternoon. Later, another group of demonstrators seized offices inside the Foreign Affairs Ministry.”

The TJA executive meets

There have been intimidatory challenges to the media and attacks on journalists. Remarkably, the Thai Broadcast Journalists Association and the Thai Journalists’ Association could only manage a mild statement on such intimidation, while essentially justifying the actions of protesters. Such bias is expected from the ultra-royalist organizations, mirroring their previous bias.

The imagery has been violent for some days, and Suthep’s call for a genuine monarchy is mirrored in this photo of demonstrators from a weeks or so ago attacking the World Court and calling for the heads of “traitors,” while displaying royal and royalist paraphernalia:

Some of this violence and direct action has caused the Yingluck Shinawatra government to extend the Internal Security Act to cover Bangkok, Nonthaburi and other nearby areas.

Update: The Bangkok Post is reporting that:

… Suthep Thaugsuban has now called on demonstrators to seize state offices nationwide, including provincial halls and district offices, after protesters on Monday stormed the Finance Ministry, the Budget Bureau, the Foreign Ministry and the Pubic Relations Department (PRD).

As with the PAD demonstrations in 2008, this illegal confrontation is meant to create a crisis situation that will propel some action by judiciary, palace or military. Does Suthep have a plan? Who does he hope will intervene?

With 3 updates: Faith

On Monday, Khaosod reported that a “Pheu Thai Party spokesman [had] insisted the party is not daunted by the astrological prediction that the government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra was about to collapse on 8 October.” That odd story had this tidbit:

self-professed astrological expert is Mr. Boonlert Pairin, who also happens to serve as an MP of the Democrat Party. Mr. Boonlert told our correspondent the chance for an imminent political violence which would lead to the “upheaval” would begin in the days of 6-8 October, and will reach the climax on 26 November.

“The Saturn is approaching Rahu in the Tula zodiac, which is aimed at Mesa zodiac,” Mr. Boonlert said, “This portends a great chaos in Bangkok”.

The Democrat Party must really be scraping the bottom of its political tactics barrel when it needs to play with the astrological arts. Of course, we know that astrology is very powerful amongst politicians and other power holders in Thailand, including those in the palace.

The rhetorical power of such a call, combined with the faith of the opposition, sees it reported that on Tuesday “[h]undreds of anti-government protesters are occupying the streets around Government House in Bangkok today to await the unfolding of ′apocalypse′ that would bring down the government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra.”

The report says that:

the People′s Force for Democracy to Overthrow Thaksinism (PEFOT) [the so-called People’s Army] …. which ha[s] been staging a prolonged [and small] rally in Bangkok′s Lumpini Park, moved from their campsite in the park and marched to Government House yesterday evening, where they spent the night waiting for the prophesied events – largely understood to be a military coup or a political chaos.

Khaosod reported that:

The protesters are still occupying the streets around Government House by late afternoon of 8 October, although the prospect of any divine intervention against the government is fading as the clock strikes toward the end of the day.

Update 1: The Nation reports that the passing of the date of the political apocalypse has not seen protesters disperse. We guess they agree with the Democrat Party astrologer that the political big bang can occur any time up to 26 November. In fact, the small rally seems to have spooked the government, which sees the Democrat Party and PAD activists as considering moving more protesters into the Government House area in a coupe of days. These protesters are said to be likely to come from the yellow bastion at Rangsit University.

Update 2: The Nation now reports that the Yingluck government has been panicked into using the Internal Security Act in three districts of Bangkok. The government, however, claims its panic is not driven by astrologers, but by Thaksin. Of course, Thaksin also seeks out powerful astrologers. We look forward to the emergence of true black arts exponents, such as those known to have motivated PAD.

Update 3: Khaosod reports that the Yingluck government is so worried by the anti-government protests, which remain quite small, that it has sent extra riot control police to the international airport, worried that an occupation, a la 2008, is a possibility.

Real royal news

As almost everyone knows, the king has been ensconced on a floor of Siriraj Hospital for almost four years. The queen has been hidden since her stroke in July 2012. Hence, this is really big news:

Their Majesties the King and the Queen will leave Siriraj Hospital at 4pm today for Klai Kangwon Palace in Prachuap Khiri Khan’s Hua Hin district.

Provincial governor Veera Sriwatanatrakul said local authorities and residents were very excited to welcome Their Majesties.

His Majesty was admitted to the hospital in Bangkok in September 2009 with a respiratory condition while Her Majesty was treated for an irregular heartbeat in 2012.

The question is: why move now? As we noted some time ago, whenever there are important political events, the king has been seen and has intervened. He has emerged from hospital in concert with political events. This means that the present move – and it is the most significant – must inevitably be related to political events. We note three reports, all from The Nation, that would lead people to conclude that the royal departure for Hua Hin is related to politics.

First, yellow-hued media pundits are predicting a potentially violent showdown. An op-ed at The Nation summarizes the detail:

As the new parliamentary session approaches, the political situation is becoming intense. Detractors and rivals of the government are taking to the streets after having waited for two years, since the ruling coalition came to power.

The government has been accused repeatedly of corruption, favouritism, unfair treatment, double standards and acting for the benefit of former PM Thaksin Shinawatra. The apparent goal is to undermine the government’s legitimacy in running the country.

Then this:

A group of militant anti-government protesters have been trained by former Army captain Songklod Chuenchuphol, in the same way as the late red-shirt strategist Maj-General Khattiya Sawatdiphol did, ahead of the red shirts’ major rallies in 2010.

Of course, Khattiya was a maverick, at times disowned by the official red shirts and, in fact, did little “training.” He was cut down by a sniper.

The op-ed predicts violence.

Second, the government has invoked the Internal Security Act (ISA) in three Bangkok districts in preparing for the parliamentary debate on an amnesty bill. This suggests the government is also expecting a showdown that may be violent. Interestingly, though, the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) “announced yesterday it would not take part in protests against an amnesty bill…”. This is probably a feint, allowing its supporters to participate while keeping “the group’s leading figures and supporters [who] have been banned by the Criminal Court from taking part in such events” out of jail.

Red shirts are also being mobilized, suggesting the potential for clashes. Jatuporn Promphan explained: “The current situation is not normal. If we take a misstep, we will face the same fate as we did before…”.

Third, the usual “little bomb” marker of potential conflict has been established. The Nation reports that a “hand grenade was hurled at the house of Vice Admiral Pajun Tamprateep, a close aide to Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda, in the early hours of yesterday. It did not explode and its safety pin had not been removed.”

All of this suggests that royal preparations are also under way for what might become a major political showdown.

“New” anti-government group is old and tired but threatening

In recent days there has been talk of a “new” anti-government alliance. The Bangkok Post announces a “newly formed anti-government ‘People’s Army [Against the Thaksin Regime]…’.” It may be new in its current form and alliance, and it may excite the scribes in the mainstream media, but it is dreadfully old and corked wine in a not particularly new or even clean bottle.

This “People’s Army” – as much a misnomer as “People’s Alliance for Democracy” – says that it “hopes to mobilise at least 30,000 people to join a rally in Bangkok when the House resumes next week to deliberate the amnesty bill of Pheu Thai MP Worachai Hema.” It plans “co-ordinated” rallies and a “big event” on 4 August, aimed at “overthrowing the Thaksin Shinawatra regime…”. In fact, The Nation describes the “People’s Army” as being “formerly known as Pitak Siam…”. And, the group did meet at General Boonlert Kaewprasit’s Royal Turf Club.

But let’s be just a little more generous and agree that there is more to this than just the old men of Pitak Siam. So who are they? The leaders of the so-called new “People’s Army” include:

• Thaikorn Polsuwan of the PAD in the Northeast;
• Pitak Siam group under the new leadership of retired Admiral Chai Suwannaphap;
• the Thai Patriot Network;
• Card-carrying old man wanting to run Thailand for the monarchy, Police General Vasit Dejkunchorn of the misnamed Thai Spring non-group, said his (non)group would demonstrate against the amnesty bill. Vasit is able to mobilize royalists associated with the old counterinsurgency and mercenary groups from the Cold War;
• dull royalist Tul Sitthisomwong, leader of the so-called multicolor movement,that is really a bunch of yellow shirts;
• Suriyasai Katasila, coordinator of the Green Politics Group, and of PAD; and
• PAD spokesman Panthep Puapongpan, who says PAD core leaders are to meet to assess their role.

While the Post says that the “People’s Army” is mobilizing “its” provincial chapters, these are the old PAD  networks.

This coalition is potentially threatening for the Yingluck Shinawatra government. Last time, when Pitak Siam rallied, the the cabinet decided to impose the Internal Security Act in three districts of Bangkok. That was criticized.

NLA Sit-In Trial

FORWARDED PRESS RELEASE

AHRC-FPR-009-2013

A Press Release from Human Rights Lawyers Association (HRLA) forwarded by the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC)

THAILAND: The “NLA Sit-In” Trial of 10 Thai Human Rights Defenders

For immediate release on 18 February 2013

Since 21 February 2012, ten prominent Thai NGO/ labour union/ human rights activists have been on trial at the Criminal Court, Rachadapisek Road, Bangkok on serious criminal charges relating to national security, public peace, and trespass with use of force arising from a mass sit-in staged in the lobby in front of the meeting chamber of the National Legislative Assembly on 12 December 2007. If found guilty of all charges, they could face prison sentences of up to 7 years.

The defendants and their lawyers wish to invite observers from the diplomatic community in Thailand to attend the trial from Tuesday 19th February 2013 onwards during hearings for the defence, which will begin with testimony from the defendants themselves during the first five days. This is to help ensure that they receive a fair hearing, as they believe that the charges against them and the possible penalties that they face are grossly disproportionate to their non-violent actions of civil disobedience against a legislature appointed by a military junta which was rushing through legislation affecting human rights and civil liberties just 11 days prior to a general parliamentary election.

The Defendants:

1. Mr. Jon Ungphakorn, NGO and human rights activist

2. Mr. Sawit Keaw-wan, state enterprise union leader

3. Mr. Sirichai Maingam, state enterprise union leader

4. Mr. Pichit Chaimongkol, NGO and political activist

5. Mr. Anirut Khaosanit, farmers activist

6. Mr. Nasser Yeemha, NGO and political activist

7. Mr. Amnat Palamee, state enterprise union leader

8. Mr. Pairoj Polpetch, NGO and human rights activist

9. Ms. Saree Ongsomwang, NGO and consumer rights activist

10. Ms. Supinya Klangnarong, freedom of expression and media reform activist

The Charges:

Collaborating to

– incite the public to violate the law through speech, writing, or other means outside the boundaries of constitutional rights or legitimate freedom of expression (Section 116 of the Criminal Code – maximum penalty of 7 years imprisonment);

– gathering in a group of 10 or more people, in the capacity of leaders or commanders, to threaten or to carry out an act of violence or to act in a way which causes a public disturbance (Section 215 of the Criminal Code – maximum penalty of 5 years imprisonment and/or fine of up to Baht 10,000);

– trespass with use of violence (Sections 362, 364, and 365 of the Criminal Code – maximum penalties of 5 years imprisonment and/or fines of up to Baht 10,000 under both Sections 362 and 364 as qualified under Section 365)

Trial Dates: (Tuesdays to Fridays from February 19- March 14, 2013)

Hearing witnesses for defence (Total 30 sessions)

February 19 – 22, 26 – 28 Morning session 09.00-12.00, Afternoon session 13.30-16.30

March 1, 5 – 8, 12 – 14 Morning session 09.00-12.00, Afternoon session 13.30-16.30

Background Information

Following the military coup on 19 September 2006 and the suspension of the 1997 Constitution, the military council formed by the coup leaders established a “National Legislative Assembly” (NLA) to act as an interim unicameral legislature for enacting legislation until parliamentary elections were held under a new constitution. All members of the NLA were selected by the military council.

After the promulgation of the 2007 constitution on 24 August 2007, the NLA continued to function as the legislature, and during the last two months before the general parliamentary election of 23 December 2007, the NLA rushed through the passage of a number of extremely controversial laws affecting human rights, civil liberties, community rights, and social justice. This was done despite strong opposition and protests by many civil society groups. The most controversial of these was Internal Security Act, a law demanded by the military to allow them to hold special powers to deal with national security issues after the return to elected civilian government. Other controversial laws passing through the NLA included legislation on privatisation of state universities, water management, and state enterprises.

On 11-12 September 2007 the Thai NGO Coordinating Committee (NGO-COD) with Jon Ungphakorn (1st defendant) serving as Chair and Pairoj Polpetch (8th defendant) as Vice-Chair held a consultation involving a number of civil society networks and labour union leaders which ended with a public statement and press conference calling on the NLA to abandon consideration of 11 controversial bills considered to violate the rights, freedoms, and welfare of the public according to the 2007 Constitution.

On 26 September 2007, a delegation from NGO-COD and the Confederation of State Enterprise Labour Unions submitted an open letter to the NLA Speaker, Mr. Meechai Ruchupan at the parliament building.

On 29 November 2007, a mass demonstration was held outside the parliament building and grounds, demanding that the NLA immediately abandon consideration of the 11 controversial bills, requesting members of the NLA to consider resigning their office , and asking members of the public to sign a petition for the NLA to cease all legislative activities in view of the coming elections for a democratic parliament.

On 12 December 2007 another mass demonstration was held outside the parliament building and grounds, this time involving well over one thousand demonstrators. At around 11.00 a.m. over 100 demonstrators climbed over the metal fence surrounding the parliament building using make-shift ladders to enter the grounds of parliament. Then, around 50-60 demonstrators were able to push their way past parliamentary guards to enter the lobby in front of the NLA meeting chamber where the NLA was in session. They then sat down peacefully in concentric circles on the lobby floor. Negotiations with some members of the NLA and with a high-ranking police official ensued, until at around 12.00 noon the demonstrators were informed that the NLA meeting had been adjourned. The demonstrators then left the parliament building and grounds, returning to join the demonstrations outside the premises.

Further demonstrations were held outside the parliament building and grounds amidst tight police security on 19 December 2007. Despite all the protests, the NLA passed the Internal Security Act which remains in force to this day. Some of the other controversial laws were also passed.

On 22 January 2008 the ten defendants were summoned by police to acknowledge a number of charges against them. Later prosecutors asked police to investigate further, more serious charges which were then brought against the defendants, while less serious charges such as using a loudspeaker without prior permission were dropped. The prosecution was submitted to the Criminal Court on 30 December 2010, and all the defendants were allowed to post bail by the court.

Further Sources of Information

1. Judicial proceedings against ten human rights defenders – FIDH (2008) http://999.fidh.org/Judicial-proceedings-against-ten

2. Concerns over legal proceedings against 10 human rights defenders – HRCP (2010) http://hrcpblog.wordpress.com/2010/10/26/thailand-concerns-over-legal-proceedings-

against-10-human-rights-defenders/

3. English translation of Thai Criminal Code http://thailaws.com/law/t\_laws/tlaw50001.pdf

Contact persons:

1. Nakhon Chompoochart , Head of legal defence team, nakhonct@truemail.co.th

2. Jon Ungphakorn, Defendant no.1, ujon@truemail.co.th

Updated: Debriefing the failed anti-democrats

The Pitak Siam rally fizzled, with only 10-20,000 showing up and suggesting that the use of the Internal Security Act was a political mistake. While some of the protesters turned almost immediately to violence, they had little support and the police were well-prepared.

The Nation has a partial timeline of events.

Also at The Nation is an account of protest leaders demanding confrontation by their supporters:

Claiming to be fighting for the monarchy, leaders of the Pitak Siam group twice told protesters to confront a police cordon and to try to break through it yesterday – the second time just before 2pm at the Misakawan Intersection near Government House.

“We’re doing this for our King, are we not?” asked a female protest leader through a loudspeaker on top of a truck just a stone’s throw from the Misakawan Intersection, where rows of police were standing. Many officers in the front row were wearing gas masks while holding transparent fibreglass anti-riot shields. “What about the police? They work for bad politicians!” the female leader said.

Leaders repeatedly urged supporters to push forward against the police:

many pushing and kicking the police shields, with some throwing fist-sized rocks and others hurling home-made fireworks. One protester pepper-sprayed a police officer in the front row. Hell broke loose as police hit back with batons and about half a dozen tear gas canisters were fired, sending everyone without gas masks, myself included, running away from the suffocating and acidic bite of the gas, which engulfed the intersection within seconds.

Old soldiers like Boonlert Kaewprasit repeatedly phoned military allies and urged protesters on by claiming that the military would come to their support.

Boonlert said he cancelled the rally “because the number of participants was smaller than expected. He blamed this on efforts by authorities and police to prevent many prospective protesters from taking part.” He added: “General Boonlert is already dead. I have lost to evil…”.

The evil he lost to was that he allowed himself to be a stooge for evil and anti-democractic royalists who hate elections, voters and democracy.

Update: The Bangkok Post reports that “137 protesters of the Pitak Siam group arrested following clashes with police yesterday have been freed without charges, People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) lawyer Puangthip Boonsanong said on Sunday.” One Pitak Siam detainee was “the driver of a six-wheel truck which broke through a police barrier at Makkhawan Rangsin bridge yesterday, wounding a number of police.” The truck driver remains in jail.

Bringing down the government

Many in Pitak Siam are gleeful that the Constitutional Court has refused to seriously consider petitions against its rally and that the Yingluck Shinawatra government has been spooked into invoking the Internal Security Act.

But apart from that, little seems to have changed amongst the groups that are coming together to further undermine the elected government.

According to the Bangkok Post, the big rally supporters are from “the yellow-shirt People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) … [and] several active and retired soldiers will also join the ranks, along with strategic and tactical advisers…”.

Then there is the misnamed “multi-coloured-shirt group led by Tul Sitthisomwong,” which are simply ultra-royalist-fascists; the equally misnamed ultra-nationalist “Peace-Loving Thais group led by Kanchanee Walayasevi.” Of course the shock troops provided by PAD’s Chamlong Srimuang’s Dhamma Army will be there. So will the Democrat Party-aligned “Group of People from 16 Southern Provinces led by Sunthorn Rakrong” and the dinosaur  “group of state enterprise labour union activists led by Somsak Kosaisuk, a former PAD co-leader.”

The Post tries to claim that there will be new groups attending, including “the People’s Movement for a Just Society (P-move), which consists of landless farmers, displaced people, and those affected by state projects; the Network of Small-Scale Northeastern Farmers; and the Assembly of the Poor.” All were part of the anti-Thaksin Shinawatra movements in the past and aligned with the PAD, so there is nothing new here.

It is somewhat surprising that the AoP is returning to the fascist-yellow side given that its grassroots supporters have previously rejected PAD. PPT imagines that the old pro-PAD leadership is struggling to regain control of the AoP.

For all of this claim to “variety”, the basic hue remains yellow and the “anti-government rally tomorrow is expected to be mainly Bangkok residents and supporters of the opposition Democrat Party, many of whom are unhappy with the Yingluck administration.”

 

Updated: Fear, Pitak Siam and the ISA

A reader has sent us this post, which PPT presents in full, as received:

Bangkok is preparing for the return of the infamous neo-fascist ultra-right group, Pitak Siam (Protecting Siam). From the police force to members of the general public, that name carries confusion and the hint of pandemonium. However this time the boundaries of politics have changed, Thailand saw Pitak Siam declaring their intent to forcibly remove the legitimately-elected Government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and installing a junta similar to the previous ruling tyrannical power of Myanmar.

The police chief, Pol Gen Adul Saengsingkaew said the cabinet decided to impose the Internal Security Act (ISA) in three districts of Bangkok from November 22 until 30 after security agencies reported receiving information there could be attempts to raid government grounds and a plot to take Ms. Yingluck hostage. He said the ISA was effective in Dusit, Phra Nakhon and Pomprap Sattruphai districts, but gave assurances that the enforcement will not affect people’s daily lives. The Cabinet has decided to impose the ISA as proposed by the National Security Council (NSC), Deputy Prime Minister Chalerm Yubamrung said on Thursday.

Coincidently the Constitution Court has decided not to accept for consideration three petitions asking it to order Pitak Siam to abandon its rally on November 24 because it was in direct violation of Section 68. The Court’s ruled that there was no evidence the organizers plan to illegally topple a democratic administration under the constitutional monarchy.

This is despite that Pitak Siam’s leader, Gen Boonlert Kaewprasit, or known as Seh Ai, has said his goal was to remove Parliament, the Constitution and the institution of governance. People ponder upon the Court’s conclusion as such goal is subversive and undermines the principles of democracy.

 Section 68: No person shall exercise the rights and liberties prescribed in the Constitution to overthrow the democratic regime of government with the King as Head of the State under this Constitution or to acquire the power to rule the country by any means which is not in accordance with the modes provided in the Constitution. 

The Government has promised that the enforcement of the ISA is one of the preventive measures in order to ensure lives are not place in harm’s way and property will be protected, in accordance to law and order, and that all three districts are monitored for the larger majority who are in fact concerned about the objectives of Pitak Siam.

Various pro-democracy groups have expressed their support for the Government and the Constitution; some have even expressed apprehensions about Pitak Siam’s attempt at removing elected politicians with lies and a promise of a militarized leadership of Thailand. One had mentioned that people toppling a Government beyond the boundaries of the Constitution is treasonous.

The return to a non-democratic state of rule is not just a leap backward but also a removal of constitutional rights and liberty. Rather than utilizing available platforms for change and development, in which Pitak Siam has rejected, the rule of anarchy is used to champion not 10 million or one hundred thousand people but just the delusional goal of one retired military man.

Update: Reader’s may find the Yingluck statement regarding the government’s fears and the controversial use of the ISA in a translation of her speech to the nation.