Shaky regime II

19 06 2019

In an earlier post, PPT commented on claims that the junta’s regime is in trouble. There, we discussed how a weakened regime might use the military.

The Dictator has admitted that:

the new cabinet lineup may be less than perfect, as there is little he can do about the proposed candidates who have been criticised for their public image.

“Public image” has to do with the fact that, like governments of the late 20th century, look like a buffet for crooks. One example is the blatant nepotism of Capt Thammanat Prompao, a Palang Pracharat MP for Phayao and chief of its strategic committee in the North. He’s considered a crook controversial figure, so can’t be a minister. His response is “let a family member take a ministerial post.” So slippery, so easy, so corrupt.

The junta, like juntas before it, seize power and then they and their buddies graze on the taxpayer funds and budgets.

Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha, responsible for the “rules” that now envelop him, says of the political allies, crooks, party hacks, friends and relatives who will make cabinet is what he has to deal with: “We cannot reject anyone.” He babbled something about “democracy,” but he’s talking weak coalition government. And that is exactly what he and his junta “designed” in their efforts to defeat “Thaksinism.”

If things go bad, Gen Prayuth says he can reshuffle cabinet, in the manner of Gen Prem Tinsulanonda in the 1980s. Like Prem, he can also hope that he can rely on the military and repression.

And, as an article at Prachatai points out, following suggestions by rabid anti-democrat Paiboon Nititawan, Gen Prayuth’s yet to be convened government could look at using the Senate if it falls into minority status in the lower House.

If we at PPT were prone to gambling, in the short-term, we’d be betting on military-backed repression and pressure on recalcitrant MPs and ministers. If that fails, look for a “self-coup” to return power to a junta.





Keeping it junta

19 05 2019

As the junta’s Palang Pracharath party maneuvers stealthily toward establishing a “new” government there are several indications that very little is going to change.

We have already seen how the Senate has been packed with junta cronies, including relatives, generals and flunkies from the last junta-selected puppet National Legislative Assembly. Nepotism and cronyism were characteristics of the military dictatorship up until now. That’s only going to deepen and extend.

The senate

Part of the “negotiations” among junta-loving parties has to do with the allocation of cabinet slots. That’s because, as in the past, before the 1997 constitution, coalition governments were a grand buffet, with prime cabinet spots meaning a party could make cartloads of money to prepare for the next election or pay MPs to stay in line or both. That’s happening now.

As that happens, we read that The Dictator, who still hopes to be made premier by all his flunkies in the Senate, wants “the Defence and Interior ministries in the next government to ensure national progress…” to remain with junta figures. So it could well be that the aged watch-man Gen Prawit Wongsuwan remains in that post, to repress and sanction at will, and to use all the military’s resources to ensure the “new” government looks pretty much like the military dictatorship.

But don’t be surprised if its Gen Anupong Paojinda in that slot as the Deputy Dictator is struggling with health. If not defense, then Anupong probably stays at Interior where he’s been responsible for neutralizing the red shirts and helping out with election rigging.

And the repression, opacity and secretiveness of the regime is likely to continue.





Abject nepotism

12 05 2019

The military junta has demonstrated that it is determined to monopolize political power; it is the way of military dictatorships.

PPT is full of posts about its political repression, martial law, use of military courts, nepotism and corruption. The junta has filled the bureaucracy, “independent” organizations, courts and appointed bodies with junta puppets and flunkies.

This is why a story in the Bangkok Post, where Deputy Prime Minister Gen Prawit Wongsuwan has defended The Dictator’s nepotism, is now “normalized” for Thailand.

Gen Prawit, himself having been accused and never properly investigated for corruption, “defended the appointment of ex-permanent secretary for defence [Gen.] Preecha Chan-o-cha, the younger brother of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, as a senator, saying the retired officer has experience as a lawmaker.”

He means the experience of seldom attending the puppet National Legislative Assembly. His brother appointed him to that and several other posts as well. See what we mean by “normalized.” Of course, there are a long string of complaints about Gen Preecha, big brother and nepotism, none of them adequately “investigated” by the puppet anti-corruption authorities, all of them staffed and headed by junta lackeys.

The list of 250 senators handpicked by The Dictator and the junta has been sent off to the king in Germany, a bunch of junta members, government ministers, NLA members and other junta associates have resigned from posts in order to constitute the unelected swill of the Senate.

Nepots: clipped from the Bangkok Post

Gen Preecha was reported to be “among 60 members of the … NLA … who resigned from their posts this week ahead of taking up roles as senators. At least 15 cabinet ministers also stepped down for the same reason.”

This cartoon, from The Nation is about the state of politics in the country and seems accurate enough:

It is from 1992 and pretty much still relevant today. With the military and its men still controlling politics, bootlicking is rewarded and nepotism and corruption will deepen.





No nepotism, just a strong odor

18 08 2018

Nepotism has been a recurring issue for the military junta. Most usually, this nepotism has been associated with Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha and his brother Gen Preecha.

Nothing ever came of non-investigations and the “explanations” were insipid.

Interestingly, Thai PBS has reported that former Army boss and the junta’s Interior Minister Gen Anupong Paojinda has defended his son “after the latter’s name appeared on a list of appointments with the Phuket governor to discuss garbage management deals.”

Gen Anupong declared that his son could not have done anything wrong.

Indeed, Gen Anupong “explained” that “he had asked his son, Yutthapong, about the reported appointment with the Phuket governor and was told that his son had never met the governor.”

Going further, Gen Anupong said “he had checked with the governor who said he had already deleted Yutthapong’s appointment from the list.”

Gen Anupong then announced: “I can guarantee that my family has never get involved in this vested interest.  My son said he had never met the governor, didn’t know him (governor) and was not involved in the business (garbage management)…”.

But there’s a very fishy odor about this because Gen Anupong’s own words make it clear that his son’s name was on an appointment list to meet the governor to discuss a business deal. His  name was only deleted when the issue became public.

Seeking to silence critics, the disingenuous Gen Anupong “said he would sue anyone who defamed his reputation.” But getting rid of that odor might be more difficult.





Many micro-parties = The Dictator

8 04 2018

The “election” strategy that the military dictatorship seems to be favoring revolves around the formation and/or co-opting of as many parties as possible. The strategy seems to be based on a thought that the many parties will come together to support the only likely “outsider.” The use of this term signifies an “election”-shy candidate.

This strategy appears to have driven the push for provisions in the junta’s constitution that allow an outsider and those that encourage micro-parties. All very 1980s.

As the likely micro-parties are formed and register, they are announcing their support (or lack of it) for either Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha or an “outsider” for post-“election” boss of Thailand.

The latest party to do this presented no surprise at all. The Bangkok Post reports that the misnamed “People Reform Party” (it is a party but has nothing to do with reform or people), owned by ultra-yellowist Paiboon Nititawan, “has declared its full support for Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha as an outsider prime minister at its first meeting.”

The party, only “the second allowed by the junta to meet after New Alternative party first met two weeks ago, is the first to openly declare full support for Gen Prayut and announced it would vote in line with appointed senators.” Well, that’s only partly true. Plenty of others have more or less said they’d support him or an “outsider.” Others have been coy while their membership makes it clear who they are supporting.

The junta “allowed it to hold the meeting to decide on the party’s name abbreviation, logo, manifesto, policies and regulations. They also elected Mr Paiboon as party leader.” Given that he established the party and is the only name associated with it, nothing else could be contemplated.

Paiboon said: “Backing Gen Prayut is our secondary policy, which is to support a nonpartisan prime minister. In my view, Gen Prayut has all the qualifications, competence and integrity. Up until now, there has been no corruption scandals involving him or his family members so he’s our best choice…”. No surprise. Paiboon has been supporting Gen Prayuth since before the coup. But Paiboon is also lying. Nepotism has been rife. Ask Gen Preecha Chan-ocha about that.

Just to be clear on how the junta has positions “Paiboon’s party,” Paiboon declared that if “other parties draw enough votes to support someone else as the PM, People Reform would vote along the line of senators…”. Prayuth and the junta appoint the senators.

But that should be unnecessary: “I believe we and other parties can garner more than 125 votes. When combined with the votes from 250 senators, we can throw out any party-list PM candidate proposed by another party…”. The Dictator’s strategy is the clearest it has ever been.

Paiboon even made it crystal clear that his party is not even considering winning more than a few seats: “In any case, while the number of MPs is not our main goal, we predict we would win a satisfactory number of MPs.” By satisfactory he means sufficient to join with other faux parties to get Prayuth’s job for him.

Meanwhile, Paiboon’s buddy and political conservative twin, Suthep Thaugsuban has decided to “back a political party in the upcoming election…”. While this was never in doubt, the Bangkok Post reports that he will support (or establish) “a political party that will serve the people’s needs, not its own.” But it will support Suthep’s reactionary anti-politics.

Like Paiboon, “Suthep had previously stated that he would back Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha to resume the premiership after the election.” So the party he supports will have its nose firmly positioned in Prayuth’s … corner.

Prayuth calls his anti-democrat position “political innovation” and like Paiboon reckons that the party he supports will be a “party of the people.” Paiboon and Suthep are the ugly twins in a very ugly political system spawned by anti-democrats, royalists and the military.

The easily forgotten military-backed party Bhum Jai Thai Party has begun re-registering its members. The Dictator will be spoiled for choice. The parties won’t be. They’ll be told who to support. Even so, much fun, games and heartburn seem sure to come.





Senior policeman denies association with philosophical thought

1 03 2018

Here we refer to the policeman’s intelligence and a report in Khaosod.

Student activist Netiwit Chotiphatphaisal and two of his colleagues have translated and published “Messages to Our Century: Three Essays of Isaiah Berlin.” Sir Isaiah Berlin died in 1997 and was one of the 20th century’s most respected intellectuals. He was a social and political theorist, philosopher and historian of ideas, often associated with ideas of political liberalism.

Back in early February, Netiwit met with deputy police commissioner Pol Gen Srivara Ransibrahmanakul when he and other activists “heard charges against them at Pathum Wan Police Station.” Netiwit later posted a photo of himself handing Srivara the book. He added: “He even asked me to sign the book for him…. I thought that he would actually read it…”.

Later, Netiwit posted that “multiple police officers had called him to order the book on Srivara’s recommendation,” claiming that the top cop said: “this is a good book, guys [police officers]. Do you have it [the book] yet?”

Pol Gen Srivara has now gone ballistic. For “allegedly using a false anecdote about him to promote the sale of a book he translated,” he’s filed a complaint against Netiwit claiming defamation and computer crimes. Srivara has stated that while he kept the book he didn’t read it.

The policeman has clearly thought shallowly about this and decided it would be unprofessional for any police officer to be caught engaging in deep thought about ethics, philosophy or liberty. Clearly, philosophy is not something that Thailand’s police can afford to be associated with. The force’s defining characteristics are anti-intellectual and involve nepotism, corruption, murder and torture, and such characteristics should not be tainted by association with philosophy.





Puppet NACC and the junta’s damage

26 02 2018

The Bangkok Post has an important editorial that makes demands that demonstrate the abject failure of the puppet National Anti-Corruption Commission.

It says the:

…saga of Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwon and his rich collection of wristwatches has passed into farce. The National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) has used up its last crumb of credibility. The NACC had announced that its third and final deadline for the defence minister to account for the watches would be March 2. But without any explanation, the NACC president [Pol Gen Watcharapol Prasarnrajkit] amended that. As of now, there is no deadline for Gen Prawit to report.

This unexplained and inexplicable change of attitude by the NACC’s top executive is not just a disappointment to the public, it’s a political dagger to the heart for the anti-graft body, as well as for Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha. Public opinion was already massively against Gen Prawit and his ostentatious shows of wealth. Now, however, there is NACC conduct that goes far beyond the deferential treatment given to members of this military regime accused of suspicious money activity….

The NACC picked up this clear violation of the unusual-wealth regulations with great reluctance. The supposedly independent commission has not covered itself in glory since the military regime came to power. A notable failure was the refusal to have the prime minister’s brother, Gen Preecha, account for unreported money and a mansion he reportedly owns up-country. Handed hundreds of pages of documents on bribery of Thai officials in government and state-owned enterprises by Rolls Royce, the NACC simply refused to advance investigations.

Gen Prawit’s case is egregious and without doubt the most important that the NACC has fumbled since the military coup. He is the first deputy prime minister, and steps into the prime minister’s chair when Gen Prayut cannot. He is also a longtime military buddy of Gen Prayut’s. The prime minister has not had the grace to be embarrassed by his friend’s million-dollar jewellery.

The action by Pol Gen Watcharapol, a former subordinate and assistant to Gen Prawit is revealing of the nepotism and double standards of the military regime. The watch scandal cover-up says its time for the regime to go. When this regime is gone, it will be necessary to clean up all of the laws, rules and agencies that the junta has warped. Fixing the junta’s political damage is going to be a very long, very difficult and very contentious process.