O brother, where art thou?

17 04 2020

Criminals, oafs and grifters escaping a prison chain gang, the 2000 film of our headline by the Coen brothers had comedy and strange turns in the plot going for it, not to mention hillbilly music.

When it comes to the post-junta military-dominated government, however, there’s little comedy, much confusion and no music as criminals, oafs and grifters all escape prison and continue with more of the same.

As the poor struggle under the state of emergency – how much of Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha’s time in power has relied on such exceptional powers? – the post-junta gets on with its nepotism and repression.

We know where Gen Prayuth’s grifting brother is because Khaosod reports that:

Clean hands?

More than half of the newly-appointed Senate Committee on Tourism are military officers turned senators – including PM Prayut Chan-o-cha’s younger brother.

The list of 23 members, among them Gen. Preecha Chan-o-cha, was announced in the Royal Government Gazette on Thursday. Besides Gen. Preecha, other 14 military generals named to the post include former deputy PM Gen Thanasak Patimaprakorn, who will chair the senate committee.

Of course, Gen Preecha has a sordid past in nepotism and corruption. One can only imagine that a committee with 14 generals (Prachatai says 13) only exists for the meeting allowances and, perhaps,in the future, overseas junkets. No one could seriously think that such a committee would be of any public use or value. As we know from past “performance” Gen Preecha seldom shows up.

Meanwhile, the military and police are arresting thousands for alleged curfew violations. Now before the frightened middle class get huffy at PPT’s characterization, telling us how dangerous it is for people to be outside when the virus is lurking, consider that the reported arrest toll under the emergency decree is already over 8,500. Then consider how harsh the sentencing is, especially for the poor.

Par for the course when it comes to brothers-in-arms.





With 3 updates: Corrupt military

15 02 2020

The calls for reform of the Army following the Korat murders are almost deafening. Some are from those who previously more or less supported the 2006 and 2014 military coups. Other critics are ardent yellow shirts.

But, really, wasn’t all of this corruption known before? It was for us, and we have posted on it dozens and dozens of times. The unusual wealth, free digs for senior officers, the use of the lower ranks as slaves by the top brass, “commissions,” scams, nepotism, the impunity on torture and murder, etc. It has all been widely known.

Clipped from Khaosod

Naturally enough, the criticism of the military flows across into the military-backed regime, led by generals. One reported comment was an expression of “hopelessness” at responses to Korat from both Army and regime. Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha was seen as gruff and uncaring in his response while Gen Apirat Kongsompong’s tearful media conference was seen by some as theatrical.The two are seen as part of the same regime and they are both men who have benefited greatly from the corrupt system.

Of course, Apirat’s response is also political as he is angling to take the premiership after Gen Prayuth, to continue the Army’s political dominance.

One of the public responses has been skepticism that “the army chief’s vow to bring transparency to the barracks” is real. As one person commented to reporters, “there is no reason why those in power will make sacrifices…”.

We at PPT are not so skeptical because Gen Apirat obviously views the current criticism as an opening for critics and a threat to the Army’s role in the economy and politics. For the moment, he is unable to shut down critics. And, he needs to respond. He’s said:

There are many projects among army personnel who collaborate with businessmen including real estate and loan sharking businesses. I know that and there will be generals down to colonels who will go jobless this month and in the coming months….

Sacking underlings is one thing. Attacking the toxic culture of a feudal military requires much more that this.

But the political threat to the military is acknowledged by Gen Apirat and he knows he has to be seen to be doing something.

As the Bangkok Post reports. “[p]olitical activists are pushing for an investigation into what they describe as the army’s administrative errors, which they believe was the root cause of the massacre in Nakhon Ratchasima…”.

The Future Forward Party and other opposition parties are demanding investigation and reform.

A group known as The People’s Party for Freedom, Democracy Restoration Group (DRG) called on the “House of Representatives’ committee on military affairs” to conduct “an investigation into the army’s alleged mismanagement” of armories and poor security. More significantly, it also demanded “that businesses run by the army, especially those managing army-owned land for commercial purposes” be investigated.

This is a big deal. Consider, for example, the role of the military in the Eastern Economic Corridor, controlling the airport and port in the project as well as tracts of land that are being converted to commercial use. And, the military controls millions of rai of land.

The group also demanded “that the authorities look into certain members of top brass, who have abused their authority for the benefit of themselves and their families.” Here the group is pointing to the “military housing project … in which the gunman was reportedly cheated by his superior and his superior’s family, [as]… clear evidence of blatant abuse in the army…”

But there’s much, much more. Think of the crony Senate and the nepotism of Gen Preecha Chan-ocha, among many, many others. Consider how it is that Can anyone remember the Rolls Royce corruption case and how nothing happened? Does anyone recall the corruption allegations over the Army’s expensive Rajabhakti Park homage to dead kings?

And then there’s the declared wealth of the military members of the junta’s administration, showing huge and unusual wealth in 2014:

If a general in the armed forces, your assets average about 78 million baht.

If you managed to become an admiral in the navy, you sail away with average assets of about 109 million baht.

The top money secretes to the top police …[where] the average for the top brass in the police is a whopping 258 million baht.

Even declared unusual wealth was never investigated. For confirmation of this, for readers with access, a recent academic article detailed some of this. This is what the paper’s abstract states:

After the military coup of 2014, 143 serving and retired generals of the Royal Armed Thai Forces submitted asset declarations to the National Anti-Corruption Commission on being appointed to the military junta’s National Legislative Assembly. By analysing these declarations, this article demonstrates that a cohort of wealthy generals has emerged, which leads to the article’s central concern: how is it that despite the political reform project of the 1990s, military leaders were able to evade scrutiny and become wealthy? It is argued that behind the lack of scrutiny of the military’s wealth accumulation was a structure of fear that severely undermined the capacity to enforce regulations and which enabled the military to evade the constitutional forms of scrutiny elaborated in the 1997 Constitution. That structure of fear emerged in a context of an elusive political settlement when the apparatuses of the state were occupied by competing regime framers, leading to a re-assertion of military power.

The Korat event has led to an outpouring of accusations and complaints, some of it from soldiers:

Lawyer Atchariya Ruangrattanapong said he was compiling a list of soldiers who had made similar complaints about being caught up in shady loans or real estate deals with superior officers.

“There are plenty of cases at the moment…”.

Atchariya also praised the military for transferring Col. Uthai Fangkratok and Lt. Col. Tee Permpol to “inactive duty” within the Second Army Region, which covers Thailand’s northeastern region where the rampage took place.

“Thank you commander of the Second Army Region for the actions after we exposed the scam,” he said in a Facebook post on the Help Crime Victims Club page.

Despite our comment above, there’s ample reason for skepticism about the “optics” around “doing something.” Critic Titipol Pkadeewanich of Ubon Ratchathani University declares: “It is just a show…”.

For one thing, Gen Apirat is not allowing any independent investigations. He has:

… ordered 2nd Army commander Lt Gen Thanya Kiattisan to conduct a “straightforward” and speedy investigation into the shooting, said a source who asked not to be identified.

Two other working teams have been told to look into soldiers’ welfare provisions and businesses run within the barracks as well as take action against any personnel found to be involved in dishonest deals, the source added.

Maj Gen Rachit Arunrangsi, chief of the Army Welfare Department, and Lt Gen Ayut Siwiset, chief of the Directorate of Personnel, are in charge of the two panels.

While he has “threatened to suspend any business-oriented army projects that are found to have irregularities,” again, it is an internal investigation.

Bolstering skepticism, it has been widely reported that Gen Apirat’s statement that “retired army officers must move out from their official residences…”, has exceptions. No prizes for guessing that Gen  Prayuth, Gen Prawit Wongsuwan and Gen Anupong Paojinda will be first among those keeping their Army-supplied houses. This is because they make a “contribution to society.”

Other “retired generals who now serve as Senators; and retired army generals in the Privy Council” also have taxpayer-funded free accommodation on bases, cloistered from the rest of the population, feeling comfortable among the groveling and hierarchy of the forces, using military slaves and more.

While they suck on the public teat forever, they are being “recognized” for their “contributions” to the military, conducting military coups, strengthening impunity and slaughtering red shirts. And, they have strengthened the military’s systematized corruption.

Who can forget the taxpayer-funded years of free accommodation  for now dead Privy Council President Gen Prem Tinsulanonda in a house that the Army has since “donated” to the king. Where does current Privy Council President Gen Surayud Chulanont live?

It is not just that those at the very top engage in nepotism, corruption and sweet deals, setting a poor example, but it is systematized: those at lower levels engage in corruption that funnels funds up into the higher ranks.

Update 1: Is it only a coincidence that Gen Prayuth has ordered the Fine Arts Department to produce “shows” on “Thailand’s war history to bolster patriotism among Thais.” The aim is to strengthen “unity” and promote “awareness of the roles of key institutions — the nation, religion and monarchy — in helping overcome crises…”. Given that most of the propaganda will be about the military, their “reputation” will also be bolstered.

Update 2: The op-eds criticizing the military are raining down like political confetti. Some of them seem to express surprise at the size of corruption revealed, while neglecting to mention some of the biggest military scams or to ask why it is that the military brass gets away with murder and crime. Other op-eds get right to the point: “The Thai army is a closed system governed by feudal authoritarianism which breeds corruption and abuse of power.” Read them all.

Update 3: Prachatai reports on a rally of:

a hundred people [who] gathered in front of the Bangkok Art and Culture Centre (BACC) yesterday (13 February) for a candlelight vigil to mourn the victims of the Nakhon Ratchasima mass shooting … and to demand that Gen Apirat Kongsompong take responsibility by resigning from his position as army chief.





Updated: Lie of the day: No nepotism

4 02 2020

According to Wikipedia, nepotism is:

Nepotism is the granting of jobs to one’s relatives or friends in various fields, including business, politics, entertainment, sports, religion and other activities. Nepotism is the act of using one’s power to secure better jobs or unfair advantages for a family member [or friend] when they may not have the right skill, experience or motivation compared to others.

Nepotism is rampant in Thailand. It is common in business – think of all those family-owned firms where young scions suddenly become vice presidents of huge firms. It is common in the military – a recent example involving Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha and his brother Gen Preecha. Preecha delivered lots of “contracts” to his sons and had them promoted. It is seen in politics, where “political parties” are made and filled by families that often have local “influence.” And, it is seen in the bureaucracy.

Chakthip (clipped from The Nation)

The most recent case to emerge involves national police chief Pol Gen Chakthip Chaijinda. We guess this allegation has emerged because of the ongoing clashes within the police.

After Pol Gen Chakthip’s son was promoted to inspector and to the rank of Police Major, the police officially declared that Pol Capt Chanant Chaijinda had been “promoted to inspector on merit, and not because he is the son of national police chief Pol Gen Chakthip…”.

Several news reports “questioned his qualifications for the double promotion.” It is pointed out that:

Pol Capt Chanant, the police chief’s eldest son, has served as sub-inspector for less than four years in the Border Patrol Police Bureau, the stories said. Regulations required that an officer must have served at least seven years as sub-inspector before being eligible for promotion.

Earlier, it is reported that the “Police Commission earlier stopped short of approving Pol Capt Chanant’s promotions because he did not satisfy the criteria.”

So what happened? As might be guessed, the promotion “was referred to the cabinet last year, and it agreed to ignore the minimum service tenure criteria and later gave the green light to Pol Capt Chanant’s promotion.”

Gen Chakthip was the military dictator Gen Prayuth’s choice for police chief and was also supported by Gen Prawit Wongsuwan. Despite being the least senior among the five deputy police chiefs, he got the job because of his relations with the junta and his ant-red shirt credentials. He also had support from the palace.

Yesterday, the police had to pronounce that the facts didn’t matter and that “Pol Capt Chanant was qualified for the new rank.” It was admitted that the tenure regulations were not met. So, he wasn’t qualified, but what the heck, he’s the boss’s son and the junta loves the boss.

Business as usual.

Update: Khaosod has more on this story and includes a defense of the promotion by Gen Prawit. It is reported that the promotion took place in April 2019 and it seems that the dispute within the police force, linked above, is why the story has just leaked.

It also appears that his son’s promotion was fast-tracked by Pol Gen Chakthip. It was “a decision by the police commissioner to promote his own son to a senior police rank despite not meeting one of the criteria.”

Gen Prawit defended the promotion, saying “there were grounds for exception in the case of Capt. Chanan…”.He said: “They can do that, it’s supported by regulations…”. When asked “whether it’s appropriate for a police commissioner to approve fast-tracking his own son,” Prawit not only defended nepotism but seemed to acknowledge it in this instance: “Do you love your son, too? Do you?”

Meanwhile, police spokesperson Krissana Pattanacharoen defended the unusual promotion “saying the police command had the authority to grant promotion to individuals who show talents and valuable knowledge.” The reference was to Chanan having undertaken “multiple training programs, including anti-terrorism and parachuting courses.” These included a “sniper course in Israel and received training from the FBI in the United States…”.

No doubt his father helped out in getting him these prized gigs.





Crony senate

14 05 2019

As simply everyone expected, a Senate has been unveiled by the military junta that is packed full of junta supporters, backers and lackeys:

Khaosod reports: “Military top brass and the junta’s inner circle dominate the full list of 250 appointed senators unveiled to the public on Monday, ending months of secrecy.”

The Nation states: “Many of the newly appointed senators are from the ruling junta and people close to its key figures.”

The Bangkok Post: “The Royal Gazette on Tuesday published an announcement on the royally-approved list of 250 senators, including 66 army generals…. The Senate list includes the names of 105 people with ranks in the military or police….

None of this is a surprise. Perhaps some hoped that the members of the junta might demonstrate at least a pinch of political decorum, but that is misplaced as the military junta has repeatedly demonstrated that is has no shame at all.

Some other quotes from the reporting linked above are worth preserving here, demonstrating that the junta is a chip off the 1991 coup group and operates as a representative of yellow-shirt interests. (Those who imagined that the red-yellow divide was gone should look more carefully at the manner of the junta’s operations.):

The list – mostly handpicked by junta chairman Prayuth Chan-ocha – includes generals, loyal government technocrats, 15 ex-ministers who served under Prayuth until their resignation last week, and even a younger brother of the junta leader.

Hardline critics of ex-leader Thaksin Shinawatra, who remains a popular figure among opposition voters, also made it to the final cut. They include poet and activist Nawarat Pongpaiboon, former anti-corruption chief Klanarong Chanthik, and royalist law scholar Kamnoon Sitthisamarn….

The announcement dated on Saturday included Gen Preecha Chan-o-cha, younger brother of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, Adm Sitthawat Wongsuwon, younger brother of Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwon, Klanarong Chantik, former secretary-general of the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC), former deputy prime minister Chatchai Sarikulya, former national reform member Khamnoon Sitthisaman, former foreign trade director-general Duangporn Rodphaya, and former national security council secretary-general Thawil Pliensri.

Among other senators were Pornpetch Wichitcholchai, former president of the National Legislative Assembly, former NACC chairman Panthep Klanarongran, forensic expert Khunying Porntip Rojanasunan, former deputy agriculture minister Luck Wajananawat, and former tourism and sports minister Weerasak Kowsurat.

More than a third of  the newly appointed senators have military or police backgrounds….

But one surprise is this for the conflict of interest and nepotism it involves:

Some of the new Senate’s members sat in the committee tasked with nominating senatorial candidates to be selected by the National Council for Peace and Order.

More than 100 of them are retired or active high-ranking officers from the armed forces and the police, including 70 from the Army, 12 from the Navy, eight from the Air Force and 12 from the Royal Thai Police.

Many new senators are family members of people in power.

These include General Preecha Chan-o-cha, who is the younger brother of Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha; Air Vice Marshal Chalermchai Krea-ngam, who is the younger brother of Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam; Admiral Sitsawat Wongsuwan, who is the younger brother of Deputy Premier and Defence Minister General Prawit Wongsuwan; and Som Jatusripitak, who is the elder brother of Deputy PM Somkid Jatusripitak.

Nothing more or less can be expected from the military junta. Be prepared for this kind of cronyism to breed deeper corruption. After all, that’s the pattern of past military-dominated regimes.





Abject nepotism

12 05 2019

The military junta has demonstrated that it is determined to monopolize political power; it is the way of military dictatorships.

PPT is full of posts about its political repression, martial law, use of military courts, nepotism and corruption. The junta has filled the bureaucracy, “independent” organizations, courts and appointed bodies with junta puppets and flunkies.

This is why a story in the Bangkok Post, where Deputy Prime Minister Gen Prawit Wongsuwan has defended The Dictator’s nepotism, is now “normalized” for Thailand.

Gen Prawit, himself having been accused and never properly investigated for corruption, “defended the appointment of ex-permanent secretary for defence [Gen.] Preecha Chan-o-cha, the younger brother of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, as a senator, saying the retired officer has experience as a lawmaker.”

He means the experience of seldom attending the puppet National Legislative Assembly. His brother appointed him to that and several other posts as well. See what we mean by “normalized.” Of course, there are a long string of complaints about Gen Preecha, big brother and nepotism, none of them adequately “investigated” by the puppet anti-corruption authorities, all of them staffed and headed by junta lackeys.

The list of 250 senators handpicked by The Dictator and the junta has been sent off to the king in Germany, a bunch of junta members, government ministers, NLA members and other junta associates have resigned from posts in order to constitute the unelected swill of the Senate.

Nepots: clipped from the Bangkok Post

Gen Preecha was reported to be “among 60 members of the … NLA … who resigned from their posts this week ahead of taking up roles as senators. At least 15 cabinet ministers also stepped down for the same reason.”

This cartoon, from The Nation is about the state of politics in the country and seems accurate enough:

It is from 1992 and pretty much still relevant today. With the military and its men still controlling politics, bootlicking is rewarded and nepotism and corruption will deepen.





The unelected swill

9 05 2019

The unelected swill that will compose the dead weight of the royalist elite and the military junta on the future – the senate – will shortly be announced.

The Bangkok Post correctly observes that the junta’s senate will be marked by cronyism and nepotism. As it also notes, this was expected of The Dictator and his band of election-rigging cheats.

It notices that Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha “has picked his brother, cabinet members and current lawmakers to serve in the Upper House…”. Their “service” is to the ruling class and the junta. As so many agencies have been made puppets, so it will be with the senate.

At present, these observations of who is a new senator comes from moves by those selected resigning elsewhere. Young brother, Gen Preecha Chan-ocha, “confirmed to the media that he had resigned from the National Legislative Assembly (NLA) to assume a new role as one of the senators.”

Preecha hardly ever showed up for the NLA and has been the subject of numerous corruption and nepotism allegations. He has brazenly stared down critics – his brother is the boss, so he can do what he likes – and the puppet anti-corruption agencies have averted their eyes. He’s a crook, but he’s loyal to big brother.

NLA vice president Peerasak Porjit has “revealed” that “at least 60 people would quit their jobs at the NLA …[to] be eligible to take up posts at the Senate.” They are being rewarded for their loyalty to The Dictator and the junta. And, “at least 15 cabinet ministers have tendered their resignations with the same goal in mind.”

It is clear that, as expected, Gen Prayuth’s selection of senators is “to be dominated by people from his personal circle and political allies.”

While the senate is crucial for the selection of the next premier – still looking like The Dictator – it is unlikely to be anything other than a rubber stamp for the junta’s Palang Pracharath government. As the Post says, it will be like the NLA, a puppet, “serving the agenda of the government without the proper checks on its power.”

Perhaps for the first time, the Post also calls out the “National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC), the Election Commission (EC), the Constitutional Court, the State Audit Office, and the Office of the Auditor General” as puppets of the junta.

For the ruling class, you get what you pay for: justice for sale, parliament for sale, and a buddy regime.





One year of the luxury watch non-investigation

3 12 2018

The Bangkok Post has to be applauded for its editorial that observes the anniversary of the day “Deputy Prime Minister [Gen] Prawit Wongsuwon showed off his diamonds and a costly watch…” that became more than a score of luxury watches.

The Post points out that the Deputy Dictator had never declared the watches in his assets lists.

He says he borrowed the watches, worth millions each, from a friend who is now dead. Lucky that, for Gen Prawit.

The National Anti-Corruption Commission was meant to “investigate” their boss. The NACC is also headed by a Prawit ally. So, the “investigation” has gone nowhere. The Post observes:

The watch scandal has continued until today. Every couple of months, Mr Worawit issues a statement that the probe will be wrapped up “soon”. Social media users have quickly grown cynical and openly deride the NACC for alleged incompetence.

In fact, the NACC is not incompetent at all. It is corrupt. It is deliberately corrupt, covering up for the junta’s deputy.

The editorial concludes:

Gen Prawit is the highest-ranking regime member caught in corruption suspicion. But other friends of Gen Prayut, including his brother Gen Preecha, also have been excused from the rule of law. It is inexcusable that the NACC refuses timely investigation and release of information to the public. It is far worse when the government allows such conduct.

What we can’t help thinking is how many corruption cases have simply been hushed up? Imagine what it is going to be like if this regime continues for another four or more years. How corrupt will it become when The Dictator has to cover up for his political party as it eats its fill at the taxpayer’s trough?





No nepotism, just a strong odor

18 08 2018

Nepotism has been a recurring issue for the military junta. Most usually, this nepotism has been associated with Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha and his brother Gen Preecha.

Nothing ever came of non-investigations and the “explanations” were insipid.

Interestingly, Thai PBS has reported that former Army boss and the junta’s Interior Minister Gen Anupong Paojinda has defended his son “after the latter’s name appeared on a list of appointments with the Phuket governor to discuss garbage management deals.”

Gen Anupong declared that his son could not have done anything wrong.

Indeed, Gen Anupong “explained” that “he had asked his son, Yutthapong, about the reported appointment with the Phuket governor and was told that his son had never met the governor.”

Going further, Gen Anupong said “he had checked with the governor who said he had already deleted Yutthapong’s appointment from the list.”

Gen Anupong then announced: “I can guarantee that my family has never get involved in this vested interest.  My son said he had never met the governor, didn’t know him (governor) and was not involved in the business (garbage management)…”.

But there’s a very fishy odor about this because Gen Anupong’s own words make it clear that his son’s name was on an appointment list to meet the governor to discuss a business deal. His  name was only deleted when the issue became public.

Seeking to silence critics, the disingenuous Gen Anupong “said he would sue anyone who defamed his reputation.” But getting rid of that odor might be more difficult.





The puppet NACC

7 08 2018

The Bangkok Post has yet another editorial criticizing the National Anti-Corruption Commission. It begins:

[The NACC] has reached a crucial fork in the road. Soon, it will have to provide the public with the facts it has uncovered in the probe of the undocumented luxury watches worn by Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwon. Alternatively, it will continue to stonewall. This choice will inform the public that the NACC is a weak organisation, completely unwilling to speak truth to power and lacking the fortitude even to bring about the promise that brought Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha to the premiership.

In fact, the “fork in the road” was passed long ago. It passed that point from the moment it was appointed by the junta. It sped further down the puppet road when NACC president Pol Gen Watcharapol Prasarnrajkit was made NACC puppet president and, after public pressure “recused” himself from the actual “investigation,” but continued in his job when “investigations” of Prawit “continued.” Watcharapol “has personal ties with Gen Prawit, and with Gen Prawit’s brother, former national police chief Pol Gen Patcharawat, who also has faced NACC graft allegations without result.”

The “recusal” was fake: Watcharapol “has stayed directly informed, as evidenced by his press conference on July 20 that gave information about the investigation.”

The NACC is a fake anti-corruption agency. It works as the junta demands. It ignores cases the junta wants ignored. As the Post points out, The Dictator’s anti-corruption drive is compromised:

One of the first high-ranking people to be accused of corruption was a four-star army general. But Gen Preecha Chan-o-cha [Prayuth’s brother] was never prosecuted. Former army chief and former deputy defence minister, Gen Udomdej Sitabutr [a Prayuth supporter], was responsible for the construction of the extremely controversial Rajabhakti Park but there were no consequences.

The Post recognizes that the NACC is a puppet institution, observing:

Pol Gen Watcharapol’s NACC decided not to pursue blatant, obvious and even admitted nepotism by many members of the junta-appointed National Legislative Assembly.

On Prawit’s case,

What it [the NACC] has been able to do to this point, more than eight months later, is to stonewall the corruption accusation. The public and opinion writers believe that the anti-graft agency is trying to make the country forget that the first deputy prime minister and closest associate of Prime Minister Prayut faces hard questions of how he got access to more than 40 million baht worth of watches.

In the end, the Post admits that the “fork in the road” is long passed, declaring that the NACC looks remarkably like “an agency far more interested in protecting bad actors of the regime than in doing its assigned job.”

That’s true. The sad thing for Thailand is that it is but one of the puppet institutions. Even regular bureaucratic agencies have suffered purges under the junta and been infiltrated by junta cronies.

Usually, the public learns little of the corruption of military regimes until they are gone. In the case of this junta, we may never know because it isn’t planning to go away for many, many years.





Many micro-parties = The Dictator

8 04 2018

The “election” strategy that the military dictatorship seems to be favoring revolves around the formation and/or co-opting of as many parties as possible. The strategy seems to be based on a thought that the many parties will come together to support the only likely “outsider.” The use of this term signifies an “election”-shy candidate.

This strategy appears to have driven the push for provisions in the junta’s constitution that allow an outsider and those that encourage micro-parties. All very 1980s.

As the likely micro-parties are formed and register, they are announcing their support (or lack of it) for either Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha or an “outsider” for post-“election” boss of Thailand.

The latest party to do this presented no surprise at all. The Bangkok Post reports that the misnamed “People Reform Party” (it is a party but has nothing to do with reform or people), owned by ultra-yellowist Paiboon Nititawan, “has declared its full support for Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha as an outsider prime minister at its first meeting.”

The party, only “the second allowed by the junta to meet after New Alternative party first met two weeks ago, is the first to openly declare full support for Gen Prayut and announced it would vote in line with appointed senators.” Well, that’s only partly true. Plenty of others have more or less said they’d support him or an “outsider.” Others have been coy while their membership makes it clear who they are supporting.

The junta “allowed it to hold the meeting to decide on the party’s name abbreviation, logo, manifesto, policies and regulations. They also elected Mr Paiboon as party leader.” Given that he established the party and is the only name associated with it, nothing else could be contemplated.

Paiboon said: “Backing Gen Prayut is our secondary policy, which is to support a nonpartisan prime minister. In my view, Gen Prayut has all the qualifications, competence and integrity. Up until now, there has been no corruption scandals involving him or his family members so he’s our best choice…”. No surprise. Paiboon has been supporting Gen Prayuth since before the coup. But Paiboon is also lying. Nepotism has been rife. Ask Gen Preecha Chan-ocha about that.

Just to be clear on how the junta has positions “Paiboon’s party,” Paiboon declared that if “other parties draw enough votes to support someone else as the PM, People Reform would vote along the line of senators…”. Prayuth and the junta appoint the senators.

But that should be unnecessary: “I believe we and other parties can garner more than 125 votes. When combined with the votes from 250 senators, we can throw out any party-list PM candidate proposed by another party…”. The Dictator’s strategy is the clearest it has ever been.

Paiboon even made it crystal clear that his party is not even considering winning more than a few seats: “In any case, while the number of MPs is not our main goal, we predict we would win a satisfactory number of MPs.” By satisfactory he means sufficient to join with other faux parties to get Prayuth’s job for him.

Meanwhile, Paiboon’s buddy and political conservative twin, Suthep Thaugsuban has decided to “back a political party in the upcoming election…”. While this was never in doubt, the Bangkok Post reports that he will support (or establish) “a political party that will serve the people’s needs, not its own.” But it will support Suthep’s reactionary anti-politics.

Like Paiboon, “Suthep had previously stated that he would back Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha to resume the premiership after the election.” So the party he supports will have its nose firmly positioned in Prayuth’s … corner.

Prayuth calls his anti-democrat position “political innovation” and like Paiboon reckons that the party he supports will be a “party of the people.” Paiboon and Suthep are the ugly twins in a very ugly political system spawned by anti-democrats, royalists and the military.

The easily forgotten military-backed party Bhum Jai Thai Party has begun re-registering its members. The Dictator will be spoiled for choice. The parties won’t be. They’ll be told who to support. Even so, much fun, games and heartburn seem sure to come.