Assassins serving the state

22 06 2019

Sunai Phasuk a Senior Researcher at Human Rights Watch has a Dispatch that is revealing of the operations of Thailand’s military.

It is about the south, but speaks volumes about the way the military operates, illegally, and with impunity. It begins:

The recent arrest in Yala province of a militia member linked to numerous murders and other crimes raised hopes that the Thai government was finally getting serious about countless abuses carried out by its security forces in Thailand’s restive southern border provinces….

“Getting serious” is not about arresting a southern insurgent, but arresting Abdulhakeem “Hakeem” Darase who

… is allegedly responsible for a long list of murders of ethnic Malay Muslim men and women accused of involvement with the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN) separatist movement.

He’s an operative and assassin with links to the military. He’s in the custody of the military, meaning police can’t charge him.

Sunai concludes:

The government should take an important step to break this cycle of violence by ordering the military to transfer Hakeem to police custody for a transparent and impartial criminal investigation and to be prosecuted as the evidence warrants it. There can be no excuses.





Impunity continues

31 03 2019

To leave “election” news for a while, PPT noticed a report in the Bangkok Post that gave an account of a recent court ruling from the south.

The Pattani provincial court ruled the deaths of four men, initially claimed to be “insurgents” and shot dead by police and military were legal.

The court proclaimed that “state authorities are not required to compensate the families of four men shot…”.As the report states,

A fact-finding committee, set up to look into the case, concluded in April 2015 that the four were not linked with the deep South insurgency. These findings prompted Lt Gen Prakarn Cholayuth, then 4th army region commander, to apologise for the incident.

Despite this, “the court ruled that the police and army officers who gunned down the four had acted lawfully and that their organisations would not be liable for the incident.”

The families can appeal, but this court’s decision again grants police and military with impunity when they murder citizens.





“Election,” political “ban” and “policy corruption”

21 08 2018

So many inverted commas!! But that’s what the world of the junta’s politics demands. Nothing is exactly what it seems.

In yet another careful rollback of expectations and the original statement, the Bangkok Post reports junta legal minion Wissanu Krea-ngam as saying the junta’s “election” will probably be “scheduled sometime between Feb 24 and May 5…”. Wissanu hinted that 24 February was a possible date, but that depends on a lot of others doing the necessary vetting, signing and so on. Unlikely, we think.

And, he says, the ban on political activities (for all but the junta’s buddies and the junta itself) will be “partially lifted, most probably beginning from next month…”.

Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu made these claims after “meeting the Election Commission” where “he and the five newly appointed election commissioners discussed almost a dozen poll-related issues.”

Is it just us thinking that this a clear statement of the lack of the EC’s independence? Add to this the evidence that Wissanu, representing the junta, and the commissioners agreed that the ban on political activities “would be eased selectively.” That would seem to suit only the junta and its faux parties. In other jurisdictions that might rightly be seen as collusion on election rigging.

Even Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva knows that “the constitution explicitly states that the EC is the final authority in fixing an election date. However, since the regime has Section 44 at its disposal, the EC’s power could be irrelevant.” There you are.

Meanwhile, down south, the junta has been dragging around buckets of loot for “policy corruption”/vote-buying and so on. Another report in the Bangkok Post tells readers that Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha “has promised to inject more cash into development schemes…”.

The Dic confirmed that loads of money would be pumped into the south for roads, rail, tourism development and just about anything else business people could think of.





Martial law, detention and alarm

6 08 2018

Human Rights Watch have issued an alert that we reproduce in full:

Thailand: Rights Activist Detained in Deep South
Use of Emergency Decree Raises Fears of Mistreatment

Thai authorities should release or charge with a credible offense an ethnic Malay Muslim human rights activist who has been detained in the deep south, Human Rights Watch said today. Authorities arrested Burhan Buraheng of the human rights group Jaringan Mangsa Dari Undang-Undang Darurat (JASAD) under martial law provisions, and have held him in a military camp without access to a lawyer or effective safeguards against mistreatment.

“The Thai authorities’ arrest of a well-known rights activist without any apparent basis sets off alarm bells given the countless reports of mistreatment by the military in the deep south,” said Brad Adams, Asia director. “The Thai government should immediately remove Burhan from military custody, give his lawyer and family access, and release him, unless he is credibly charged.”

On August 1, 2018, Thai security forces arrested Burhan at his house in Pattani province’s Sai Buri district. Soldiers initially detained him at the Sai Buri district police station before transferring him to Ingkayuth Boriharn military camp on the same day for further investigation under the 1914 Martial Law Act. Burhan and his family have not been notified about the basis of his arrest.

The Thai government’s use of the Martial Law Act in southern border provinces has long enabled the military to violate the basic rights of detainees. This law provides military authorities with legal immunity and broad powers to detain individuals without charge in informal places of detention for up to seven days. There is no effective judicial oversight or prompt access to legal counsel and family members.

In addition, there is no effective redress since the law bars remedy or compensation to individuals for any damage caused by military actions done in line with martial law powers. Detention can often be further extended for another 30 days, and be renewed without limits under the 2005 Emergency Decree on Public Administration in State of Emergency.

Since January 2004, a brutal armed conflict has taken place in Thailand’s southern border provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat. Of the more than 6,000 people killed, about 90 percent have been civilians from the ethnic Thai Buddhist and ethnic Malay Muslim populations. Human Rights Watch has repeatedly condemned laws-of-war violations by separatist groups and by Thailand’s security forces.

“Thailand’s fight against a separatist insurgency in the deep south does not justify empowering soldiers to commit abuses with impunity,” Adams said. “Arbitrary detention and unaccountable officials are a recipe for abuses that will only serve to alienate the people in this restive region.”





Updated: A sorry story of military repression

24 04 2018

We all know that Thailand is under the military boot. The US State Department’s 2017 human rights report is now out and chronicles some aspects of the natur of military repression. We summarize and quote some parts of the report below. A general statement worth considering is this:

In addition to limitations on civil liberties imposed by the NCPO, the other most significant human rights issues included: excessive use of force by government security forces, including harassing or abusing criminal suspects, detainees, and prisoners; arbitrary arrests and detention by government authorities; abuses by government security forces confronting the continuing ethnic Malay-Muslim insurgency in the southernmost provinces…; corruption; sexual exploitation of children; and trafficking in persons.

As the report notes:

Numerous NCPO decrees limiting civil liberties, including restrictions on freedoms of speech, assembly, and the press, remained in effect during the year. NCPO Order No. 3/2015, which replaced martial law in March 2015, grants the military government sweeping power to curb “acts deemed harmful to national peace and stability.”

The military junta continues to detain civilians in military prisons. Some prisoners are still shackled in heavy chains.

Impunity and torture are mentioned several times as a major issue. This is important when it is noted that the number of “suspects” killed by authorities doubled in 2017.

Approximately 2,000 persons have been summoned, arrested and detained by the regime, including academics, journalists, politicians and activists. There are also “numerous reports of security forces harassing citizens who publicly criticized the military government.” Frighteningly,

NCPO Order 13/2016, issued in March 2016, grants military officers with the rank of lieutenant and higher power to summon, arrest, and detain suspects; conduct searches; seize assets; suspend financial transactions; and ban suspects from traveling abroad in cases related to 27 criminal offenses, including extortion, human trafficking, robbery, forgery, fraud, defamation, gambling, prostitution, and firearms violation. The order also grants criminal, administrative, civil, and disciplinary immunity to military officials executing police authority in “good faith.”

Too often detainees are prevented from having legal representation and are refused bail.

The use of military courts continues:

In a 2014 order, the NCPO redirected prosecutions for offenses against the monarchy, insurrection, sedition, weapons offenses, and violation of its orders from civilian criminal courts to military courts. In September 2016 the NCPO ordered an end to the practice, directing that offenses committed by civilians after that date would no longer be subject to military court jurisdiction. According to the Judge Advocate General’s Office, military courts initiated 1,886 cases involving at least 2,408 civilian defendants since the May 2014 coup, most commonly for violations of Article 112 (lese majeste); failure to comply with an NCPO order; and violations of the law controlling firearms, ammunition, and explosives. As of October approximately 369 civilian cases involving up to 450 individual defendants remained pending before military courts.

On lese majeste, the reports cites the Department of Corrections that says “there were 135 persons detained or imprisoned…”.

Censorship by the junta is extensive, with the regime having “restricted content deemed critical of or threatening to it [national security and the monarchy], and media widely practiced self-censorship.” It is added that the junta “continued to restrict or disrupt access to the internet and routinely censored online content. There were reports the government monitored private online communications without appropriate legal authority.” In dealing with opponents and silencing them, the junta has used sedition charges.

Restrictions on freedom of assembly and expression are extensive against those it deems political activists. This repression extends to the arts and academy:

The NCPO intervened to disrupt academic discussions on college campuses, intimidated scholars, and arrested student leaders critical of the coup. Universities also practiced self-censorship…. In June [2017] soldiers removed artwork from two Bangkok galleries exhibiting work depicting the 2010 military crackdown on protesters, which authorities deemed a threat to public order and national reconciliation.

It is a sorry story.

Update: The Bangkok Post has a timely editorial on torture in Thailand. Usually it is the police and military accused and guilty. This time it is the Corrections Department, which runs almost all of Thailand’s prisons. All these officials are cut from the same cloth.





Pawning bling?

31 12 2017

Fourth Army commander Lt Gen Piyawat Nakwanich has claimed “10 local politicians for allegedly being ‘partly’ responsible for the southern unrest…”. There’s no information on who they are or their party affiliation, but the Army has “talked with them…”.

But never fear for the junta is on top of things.

Deputy Dictator Prawit Wongsuwan, or General Bling, is reported to have “approved a proposal to set up more state-run pawnshops in southern border areas…”.

Lt Gen Piyawat reckons the “idea” for more pawnshops was hatched while he was watching Pawn Stars because “the government has information that some of the assailants carrying out attacks in the deep South critically needed money to pay for their children’s schooling at the start of a new school term.” He claimed “[m]ore pawnshops could provide short-term solutions for those who desperately need cash.”

We think Prawit needs more places to pawn his large collection of luxurious watches.





Going to the goats

29 11 2017

Prime Minister and junta boss General Prayuth Chan-ocha went south in what some say was a campaign trip and a publicity exercise.

It did not go well.

The Dictator’s mobile cabinet meeting took him to Pattani and Songkhla where many promises were made and billions of baht in infrastructure and other projects highlighted.

Listening but not hearing

With his jet black Chinese Politburo hair and Prem Tinsulanonda-style, “royally-bestowed,” but invented “traditional” suea phraratchathan looked suitably 1980s as he campaigned for his “election,” whenever he decides to bestow one on the Thai people.

The Dictator promised to do something about falling rubber prices. Interestingly, because of their political profile in supporting anti-democrats and The Dictator’s military coup, the rubber growers seem to have Prayuth on a string. Thailand’s rubber price follows market prices which were high earlier in the year. The Dictator wants to shore up his political support among growers.

After those efforts, things went south.

General Prayuth seemed to throw doubt on local elections, telling “local administrative organisations not to merely focus on elections…”.

The police and military lit into 500 protesters opposing a coal-fired power plant project in Songkhla’s Thepha district. With images of the authorities pushing people to the ground, “16 people, including four leaders, of the  were arrested Monday after their rally resulted in three injuries during a clash with police.”

Can that one vote?

Many of the protesters also fall into the groups that (previously) supported the junta and the coup. They are now finding out what it means to be considered oppositional. Predictably, The Dictator defended the authorities and their violence.

The Dictator was also short-tempered with potential voters and was accused of being deaf to locals. Worse, The Dictator and his “government” were “perceived as ‘unfriendly’ to residents.”

In another incident, The Dictator launched a pail of “vitriol at a fisherman during his visit in Pattana’s Nong Chik district on Monday when Paranyu Charoen, a 34-year-old fisherman, asked the prime minister to change fishing regulations to increase the number of days that fisherman can put to sea.”

Prayuth’s PR people soon apologized “for his foul temper.”

The Democrat Party sought to make political mileage, saying Prayuth did not understand “the problems of fishermen…”.

Chulalongkorn University political scientist and devout yellow shirt Chaiyan Chaiyaporn warned the junta “to abstain from being a political player.”

It is a bit late for that. What he means is that the junta should not get involved in political campaigning so that it may continue to dominate politics following any “election.”