Prawit is the natural leader of mafioso

23 06 2020

The “news” that everyone knew was coming is now out. Gen Prawit Wongsuwan has “accepted” his nomination as leader of the junta’s Palang Pracharath Party, the party that he mostly formed and has directed throughout.

As the Thai Enquirer puts it, “[h]is ascension to the party’s highest post will pull back the loosely held curtain that had been in place for the better part of the last decade and shine a spotlight on Prawit’s central role in Thai politics.”

In fact, the title of this post is from that newspaper, which says: “To Palang Pracharat, with its patchwork makeup of local mafiosos and provocateurs, Prawit is the natural leader.”

Emphasizing this, the gang that crawled around the aging and sick general “to extend the invitation were Industry Minister Suriya Juangroongruangkit, Justice Minister Somsak Thepsuthin, Deputy Finance Minister Santi Prompat, Education Minister Nuttapol Teepsuwan, Minister of Digital Economy and Society Buddhipongse Punnakanta, Deputy Agriculture Minister Thammanat Prompao, Messrs. Paiboon Nititawan and Anucha Nakasai.” Local thugs, convicted crooks, moneybags who buy the party’s votes and MPs, and coup plotters.

They slithered around him at his office at a metropolitan Army base. Of course, it is the Army that provides Prawit with the accoutrements he’s used to after his years as a military manipulator.

As Thai Enquirer explains:

Prawit has been the mastermind behind not only the military coup of 2014 but the turbulent nature of Thai politics since the Abhisit government stepped down.

While Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha has served as a ready ‘puppet’ … it has been Prawit that has been the brains behind the operations. [PPT does not consider Gen Prayuth a “puppet.” He’s worked hand-in-glove with Prawit and Anupong.]

Prawit is, after all, the spiritual leader of the military faction known as ‘Burapha Payak (Tigers of the East)’ or the Queen’s Guard military unit.

Burapha-aligned Generals like Prawit, Prayut, Udomdej Sitabutr and Anupong Paochinda have played a central role in orchestrating, from behind the scenes, much of the political upheavals since the PDRC protests [which they helped organize and motivate].

All four men have served as head of the army.

They control the regime and this move simply strengthens their control as the regime looks to years and years in power. Next, a cabinet reshuffle is needed to reward Prawit’s minions.

 





The puppet NACC

7 08 2018

The Bangkok Post has yet another editorial criticizing the National Anti-Corruption Commission. It begins:

[The NACC] has reached a crucial fork in the road. Soon, it will have to provide the public with the facts it has uncovered in the probe of the undocumented luxury watches worn by Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwon. Alternatively, it will continue to stonewall. This choice will inform the public that the NACC is a weak organisation, completely unwilling to speak truth to power and lacking the fortitude even to bring about the promise that brought Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha to the premiership.

In fact, the “fork in the road” was passed long ago. It passed that point from the moment it was appointed by the junta. It sped further down the puppet road when NACC president Pol Gen Watcharapol Prasarnrajkit was made NACC puppet president and, after public pressure “recused” himself from the actual “investigation,” but continued in his job when “investigations” of Prawit “continued.” Watcharapol “has personal ties with Gen Prawit, and with Gen Prawit’s brother, former national police chief Pol Gen Patcharawat, who also has faced NACC graft allegations without result.”

The “recusal” was fake: Watcharapol “has stayed directly informed, as evidenced by his press conference on July 20 that gave information about the investigation.”

The NACC is a fake anti-corruption agency. It works as the junta demands. It ignores cases the junta wants ignored. As the Post points out, The Dictator’s anti-corruption drive is compromised:

One of the first high-ranking people to be accused of corruption was a four-star army general. But Gen Preecha Chan-o-cha [Prayuth’s brother] was never prosecuted. Former army chief and former deputy defence minister, Gen Udomdej Sitabutr [a Prayuth supporter], was responsible for the construction of the extremely controversial Rajabhakti Park but there were no consequences.

The Post recognizes that the NACC is a puppet institution, observing:

Pol Gen Watcharapol’s NACC decided not to pursue blatant, obvious and even admitted nepotism by many members of the junta-appointed National Legislative Assembly.

On Prawit’s case,

What it [the NACC] has been able to do to this point, more than eight months later, is to stonewall the corruption accusation. The public and opinion writers believe that the anti-graft agency is trying to make the country forget that the first deputy prime minister and closest associate of Prime Minister Prayut faces hard questions of how he got access to more than 40 million baht worth of watches.

In the end, the Post admits that the “fork in the road” is long passed, declaring that the NACC looks remarkably like “an agency far more interested in protecting bad actors of the regime than in doing its assigned job.”

That’s true. The sad thing for Thailand is that it is but one of the puppet institutions. Even regular bureaucratic agencies have suffered purges under the junta and been infiltrated by junta cronies.

Usually, the public learns little of the corruption of military regimes until they are gone. In the case of this junta, we may never know because it isn’t planning to go away for many, many years.





Political loosening now a political tightening

17 11 2017

All of that talk about local elections and loosening the restrictions on political activism turns out, as we had suggested, to be a steaming pile of buffalo manure.

Prachatai: reports that the military dictatorship “has ordered the police to tighten surveillance on anti-government groups and report about their activities every 15 days.”

All police have been ordered “to tightly monitor anti-government groups…”. By “anti-government” they mean anti-junta and so-called anti-monarchy groups, which the royalist junta sees as one in the same.

The junta conspiracy concoction magicians reckon that “certain groups of individuals are trying to incite conflict and stir up chaos against the government [junta] through social media and other means, adding that the groups are active both domestically and abroad.”

The Bangkok Post adds some further detail. The orders for this intensified repression have come from General Udomdej Sitabutr and Deputy Dictator General Prawit Wongsuwan. The orders apply to all security agencies.

The police say they “have not yet detected any suspicious activities from leaders of anti-coup elements…”. The police helpfully added that many in the anti-junta movement “have already been detained.”

Those concocting another plot imagine that “anti-coup groups both in Thailand and abroad were attempting to undermine the government’s stability by using various online and other media to spread false information to local communities and villages.”

The targets of increased suppression are “networks of people who provide ideological and financial support…”. We think they are making this up (again).





More militarization

2 01 2017

The militarization of politics is a seemingly a worldwide trend. In Thailand, of course, it has been the norm for more than eight decades. Thailand’s military dictatorship has seen the military brass in charge of pretty much everything.

Military men in Thailand are not known for their intelligence. Rather, they are characterized by their dimwitted approach to anything challenging, their unbridled capacity for murderous action against opponents and their jellybacked contortions in the hierarchical society they have shaped.

With this in mind, PPT always gets wondering when a relatively new jellyback begins to get lippy on politics and the military. It might be just because it is new year, but PPT couldn’t help but notice a series of Bangkok Post reports all citing Army chief General Chalermchai Sitthisart. Why is he suddenly talking and considered newsworthy? What do his bosses in the junta think about this?

The first story is the most unlikely, but suggestive of the potential for conflict within the military. Yes, we know that the story is sold as the Army chief wanting to reduce conflict within the military brass, but the opposite seems more likely. Chalermchai states that he “adheres to the merit system, a mechanism employed to prevent problems associated with frustration over promotions seen as unfair by some.”

No Army commander has ever used a merit system, so this will upset the existing cliques, including the murderous “Burapha Phayak (Tigers of the East) … the faction of army officers who had served at the 2nd Infantry Division of the Queen’s Guard based in Prachin Buri” and the Wong Thewan faction that links to the “1st Division of the King’s Guard in Bangkok.”

Officers trained in quelling domestic political passions and ass-licking in palace circles will find the notion of “merit” threatening. Our guess is that Chalermchai may be seeking to limit the promotions of those officers considered close to the king.

The second story relates to “southern unrest.” He predicts a decline in violence over the next couple of years. However, his reasons for this claim are unclear. We wonder how he feels about the coordinating role of General Udomdej Sitabutr, a former Army boss, to run things in the south? Chalermchai’s position is likely undermined. Not unrelated, the conflict in the south is a huge money spinner for the Army, and this move involving Udomdej may siphon those funds elsewhere.

The third story is the most bizarre. General Chalermchai is reported to have “expressed confidence no coup would be staged to challenge the election results no matter who wins, saying the rules would be respected.” PPT had not heard any rumors of a potential coup, so we wonder why Chalermchai was motivated to speak?

In addition, the result of the junta’s “election,” now more likely in 2018 than 2017, is not in doubt. The junta will not allow a result it does not want and desire. So, who in the Army would be dissatisfied with the outcome? Who are the junta’s military opponents?

As it turns out, his response was to a question about what the Army would do if “the old political clique [a pro-Thaksin party] won a mandate to form a government.” That is simply not going to happen, so Chalermchai’s response is more than necessary. Why’s that?

He did go on to warn about political discontent: “It is useless to create trouble because it could give a reason to the NCPO [the junta] to extend the roadmap.”

It is always troubling when military types begin talking about coups and politics. Their heavy boots trample all and when more than one set of boots is dancing, many others risk being trodden on and being bumped aside.





Who watches for “good” corruption?

23 12 2016

Readers will no doubt remember that Thailand’s highest ranking comb-over in the murderous military was General Udomdej Sitabutr. When he was Army boss, allegations of corruption emerged at the Army’s billion baht ode to loyalty to some monarchs at Rajabhakti  Park.

UdomdejWe won’t go into the details except to remind readers that, early on, Udomdej admitted that there were shady dealings, but then every “investigation,” none of them independent, found no corruption. This is probably the first military project in its long history that has been declared “clean.” Needless to say, the fact that several military officers associated with Udomdej and the fled overseas had nothing to do with the Corruption Park scandal.

But General Udomdej is very obviously considered by his military brothers in the junta to be one of Thailand’s “good” people, so nothing is done about him. Indeed, by toughing through the allegations, the arrest of protesting students, charged with sedition for daring to demand a proper investigation, and jailing others who commented.

His reward, with The Dictator invoking Article 44 to do it, has been to be given a task that involves truckloads of money and endless opportunities for self-enrichment. And, there’s almost no oversight by anyone other than the junta. The Bangkok Post reports that:

A special government team assigned to tackle southern unrest will take over the management of multi-billion-baht budgets from state agencies to steer efforts to bring peace to the violence-stricken far South.

Deputy Defence Minister Udomdej Sitabutr, who was appointed to head the 13-member delegation, chaired a team meeting Thursday at the Defence Ministry to assess progress and discuss a roadmap to douse the flames of the southern insurgency.

The Post adds that the budget is huge:

Since 2004, more than 264 billion baht has been spent on tackling southern strife by eight governments. This year has seen the highest budget allocation of just over 30 billion baht, up from 25 billion baht last year and 13 billion baht in 2004.

These figures are only for project budgets, and they do not include the salaries of state officials involved, and the regular spending of agencies responsible for solving the problem, the source said.

…[The team has] … the authority to transfer the ministries’ budgets set aside for projects in the southernmost provinces to support efforts to promote development and boost security in the region. Initially, it will consider a total of 89 projects worth about 1.7 billion to be initiated for this purpose….

Udomdej will be laughing all the way to the bank.





What Trump can learn from the military dictatorship

11 11 2016

In a recent post at New Mandala, a supposedly populist Donald Trump – now U.S. president-elect – was compared with another said to be a populist, Thailand’s  Thaksin Shinawatra. The comparison was a little silly, with the differences seemingly to far outweigh the similarities.Udomdej

Such comparisons might include bad hair and the wide public acceptance of comb-overs. Trump has heinous hair, but so too do many leaders in Thailand. Think of the failed and corrupt General  Udomdej Sitabutr.

Trump can learn that one should never allow that comb-over to get out of control. One must maintain the orderliness of one’s appearance, for appearance can be considered to overcome a dark heart, ignorance or boorishness.trump1

This kind of comparison is no less silly than the one mentioned above. However, we can take this further and consider the characteristics of quite different political leaders.

General Udomdej’s carefully sculpted comb-over and his inability to allow any greying to appear has a lot to do with conceit and arrogance, and the forever orange-tanned and “blonde” Trump certainly displays such characteristics by the truckload.

In a list of characteristics of Thailand’s military regime, and of The Dictator himself, one that ranks high is arrogance.

General Prayuth Chan-ocha has demonstrated remarkable arrogance, dominating the media, as all dictators do, and establishing his “values” as those for the nation. He even “pens” songs that Thais are forced to hear, again and again. The Dictator demands that Thailand be more like him. Narrow, loyalist and conservative.

Trump can learn a bit more about narrow nationalism and enforcing conservatism from the draconian actions of the military dictatorship. Of course, Trump is well known for his arrogance and remarkable hubris. This derives from privilege, wealth and the loyalty of jellyback servants in a hierarchical and dictatorial business organization. For the military dictatorship, loyalty and subservience also rank high. However, The Dictator’s arrogance derives not so much from wealth as from a surplus of power at the head of a murderous and hierarchical organization. The Dictator has shown how to enforce that jellyback subservience by weeding out “opponents” in the state’s organizations. Trump may seek to do similar things in the U.S.Prayuth angry

Related, as we emphasize through our labeling of General Prayuth as The Dictator,  narcissism and egoism drive him. These characteristics are most certainly defining of Trump. Some argued that he has shown the symptoms of Narcissistic Personality Disorder. Yet narcissism is not just a “disorder.” It is a political style that emphasizes authoritarianism and a personality cult.

One characteristic that The Dictator has taken to a remarkable level is disingenuousness. Just lie. Whenever anything mildly disturbing to The Dictator personally or is considered “threatening” to the regime, just lie. We are sure that Trump will have no difficulty following this example. Making stuff up is the essence of an authoritarian regime.

The Dictator and his regime also show the way on double standards. Under this military dictatorship, there are no standards that are not double standards. Again, we have no trouble believing that Trump can quickly adapt this when he becomes president.

Authoritarianism defines the military dictatorship. Liberal values and liberal patience for dissent are expunged. They are expunged from law, practice in the bureaucracy, in the media and educational institutions. In Thailand, this was made easy by the “tradition” of military authoritarianism and interventionist feudalism in the form of the monarchy. In the U.S., Trump will surely build on an illiberalism that has been built in civil society, much of it fostered by religious fundamentalism and conservative nationalism or “patriotism.” We can see him moving against institutions identified with U.S. liberalism. trump2

Anti-liberalism and authoritarianism in Thailand has long been associated with a deeply conservative emphasis on orderliness. This fetish has been fostered by the hierarchy of military and monarchy. Trump is unlikely to rely on the military, although many in the military will be ideologically drawn to him. He may seek to make his family more monarchical, just as The Dictator has adopted characteristics of the dead king.

Misogyny and boorishness have been defining elements of The Dictator’s personality and regime. As we know, Trump has little to learn from The Dictator on these scores. Yet we might understand that these characteristics are a part of a conservatism that allocates privilege to selected groups in society.

Ignorance is another central characteristic of the military dictatorship. The Dictator and his closest colleagues have little knowledge of the world.This group gained its leadership position based on royal posterior polishing and adherence to hierarchy. They have no experience of a real world, even in the military. Trump, for all of his investments, is essentially a New York property developer. He can learn from the military dictatorship that such narrowness simply doesn’t matter when your constituency is boorish and narrow too.

The final characteristic is an inability to “fail” or “lose.” The military dictatorship is never wrong and never gets anything wrong. The problem is “others” who are undermining the regime, opponents of the regime or duped by nasty politicians. Trump can learn from this. He certainly knows that even defeats must be reworked as “wins.” However, the targeting of opponents will likely become his excuse for all kinds of nastiness.

Thailand has demonstrated that authoritarianism is a slippery slope. The country is now at the bottom of the slope. The U.S. is no liberal heaven but Trump can easily knock away some of the remaining checks and balances and the slope gets steeper and the slide down it accelerates.





Updated: Miracles in the military’s Thailand

7 09 2016

PPT doesn’t believe in miracles. In Thailand, however, a series of “miracles” have occurred. More precisely, they seem to to have been manufactured under the auspices of the military dictatorship.

The first is a recurring “miracle.” The king’s health has improved for the umpteenth time. In a short report attributed to the Royal Household Bureau. It says the king’s “blood and phlegm were checked by a team of doctors at Siriraj Hospital. An X-ray found fluid in the King’s lung had reduced and there was no inflammation.” It adds that a “pulse examination by echocardiography found the functioning of [the king’s] … cardiac muscle was satisfactory.”

UdomdejThe second “miracle” was entirely predictable (which denies miracle status, but the story is still miraculous). The military’s laundry or the National Anti-Corruption Commission has “unanimously agreed that there was no graft in the Rajabhakti [Corruption] Park project in Hua Hin…”. Of course there wasn’t! The junta has said that from the beginning, despite evidence to the contrary including from General Udomdej Sitabutr.

The NACC “agreed unanimously that all procedures carried out under the project had met regulatory requirements…”. We don’t believe it could have found otherwise as the case involved junta members.

The third miracle is the jailing of Sondhi Limthongkul. His crime did not relate to anything about the illegal activities of his People’s Alliance for Democracy, for which he deserves years in prison. Rather it relates to just one of his allegedly fraudulent business deals from the 1990s. That said, his 20 year sentence seems way out of line with the sentences given to a handful of 1990s business crooks.sondhi-limthongkul

Many felt Sondhi was “protected” because of his work for the royalists, making them a political movement, and the role he played in getting rid of Thaksin Shinawatra in 2006. We have posted previously that we felt the military was uncomfortable with all populists – Thaksin, Sondhi and Suthep Thaugsuban. Two of these have been pushed aside and out on political ice. We await news of the Suthep “miracle.”

Update: A reader rightly points out that, despite the “miracle recovery” for the king, that reports have stated that the king’s health remains precarious. One states:

… the king is receiving continuous renal replacement therapy, a treatment for critically ill patients with acute kidney failure. It said Bhumibol is still producing insufficient urine.

He has little time left, despite the “medical miracles.”





With a major update: Clean as a whistle

25 03 2016

The Corruption Park scandal is said to be officially over. It wasn’t necessarily always so simple. At the beginning of the affair, it was caught up in claims over corruption by some close to the palace or parts of it. Even the person at the center of investigations, former Army boss and junta member General Udomdej Sitabutr, admitted that “commissions” had been paid and then “repaid.”

Their were also conflicts within the junta and the military as Udomdej was “targeted.” Importantly, though, Udomdej was strongly supported by senior junta mover and shaker General Prawit Wongsuwan, who made it clear that he wanted his loyal underling cleared.

Khaosod reports that yet another junta-commanded corruption “investigation” has found “[n]o trace of corruption or malfeasance … in the construction of a royal monument … as widely alleged in media reports, a junta-appointed committee declared…”.

Corruption

Auditor-General Pisit Leelavachiropas was precise: ““There was no violation of bureaucratic procedure” following an inspection of “more than 95 percent” of all documents available.

Well, clear about the limited parameters of the “investigation.”

Many of the allegations revolved around “commissions” paid to Watcharapong Radomsittipat or Sian U, and amulet dealer. However, that dealer had already been “cleared” by the Office of the Auditor-General of “allegations he demanded kickbacks from foundries hired to cast the statues of seven Thai kings at Rajabhakti Park…”. That was more than a month ago.

At the time, the trader “admitted he received a total of 20 million baht from the foundries, but the money was paid for his role as their adviser, coordinator, work supervisor and problem solver…”. According to Auditor-General Pisit, these were “management fees,” not “kickbacks…”.

According to the OAG, the trader “decided” – when? under what pressure? – to “return the money to the foundries because he preferred to help build the park as a volunteer.” Yeah, right…. He claimed “the foundries did not want the money back, so Sian U donated it to the Rajabhakti Park project.” Yeah, right….

Sounds more like a cover up to us.

This “investigation” of the trader was carried over into the broader “investigation” with the same story claimed by the Auditor-General.

This rather dubious “investigation” was sufficient, however, for General Prawit. The Bangkok Post reports that Prawit declared: “It has ended…”. He said Army commander Theerachai Nakawanich, who “was reported to have pushed the issue into the spotlight and wanted an investigation into the project” if it was “ended.” He replied it was ended.

The boss hopes that’s the case. The military is now going to go ahead and spend even more money on Corruption Park.

Update 1: A reader points out our failure to note that at least two senior military officers, linked to Udomdej, fled Thailand over the the murky events surrounding the Corruption Park scandal and Bike for Mom and Bike for Dad events. With the junta in place, truth on this case will be mediated by self-interest.

Update 2: It is interesting to note that the Bangkok Post has an editorial that criticizes the decision that all is “squeaky clean.” It refers to a “perilous” and “dangerous precedent.”

It states that the “CNAC, chaired by Justice Minister Paiboon Koomchaya, comprises all major state corruption busters including the PACC, the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) and the Office of the Auditor-General (OAG). Its approval should have restored the tainted park to the glory it deserves.” Yes, we know, the last statement is the required royal ridiculousness.

The editorial continues:

Unfortunately, the coalition of public graft-busting organisations let the public down when it resorted to euphemism and round-about explanations instead of tackling the accusation squarely and straightforwardly.

In short, the the CNAC found out five foundries paid about 20 million baht to the amulet trader identified as Sian U for “recommending” the jobs of casting oversized statues of past monarchs at Rajabhakti Park to them. The amount is also considered remuneration for advice that Sian U gave to the foundries during the casting process, according to the CNAC.

For most people, a payment given to people who recommend jobs or serve as a sales facilitator is called a commission.

The CNAC, however, seemed to go out of its way to gloss over the dubious practice in its Wednesday announcement.

The coalition of graftbusters said the money was paid between private parties. It reasoned the rate was in line with market prices, and that the amulet trader had enough expertise to serve as a consultant to the foundries.

These explanations are not relevant to the central question regarding the kickbacks scandal.

… What gave the amulet trader the authority to “recommend” jobs in the state project to private businesses? Why was he allowed to make money as a go-between when the process of finding contractors to cast the park’s statues should have been carried out in an open and fair manner in compliance with state procurement practices? What connections did he enjoy with the army that allowed him to claim he could “recommend” its jobs to private business?

More importantly, the CNAC acknowledged that the Sian U was later told by the army not to keep the money so he donated it back to the Rajabhakti Park fund. If the money was a clean, aboveboard business transaction, why did the army have to tell the amulet trader to “donate” it?

Sadly, the CNAC did not appear to pay attention to any of these crucial questions as it explained away the scandal with irrelevant facts. Worse, by suggesting that it is acceptable for people to charge money by recommending jobs in state projects to private businesses, the graftbusters are opening up vast new areas for fraud and deceit.





Updated: Questions and “investigating” Corruption Park

27 02 2016

Just a few days ago, Deputy Defense Minister General Udomdej Sitabutr was reported as declaring himself as being in the clear on the Office of the Auditor-General’s “investigation” of Corruption Park. Udomdej stated that the Auditor-General “has found no corruption in the Rajabhakti Park project…”.

Yet, just a couple of days later, Channel NewsAsia reports that Justice Minister General Paiboon Khumchaya has “asked the Office of the Auditor General (OAG) to further investigate alleged irregularities … in order to clear lingering public doubts about claims of corruption and kickbacks.”

Army at the park

Why does Corruption Park refuse to go away? Who is keeping it on the political agenda?

As the report states, the “funding for the project, … in a 35.5 hectare military property, has been linked to allegations of involved military officers having privately benefited from the construction of the park.”

Why is that the Minister has asked for more investigations from the Auditor-General when it has “already finished its investigation into the project and concluded that all procedures were followed correctly.”

Paiboon states that “not all questions have been answered and that there are still three to four unresolved issues.” He is not saying what these issues are. He is not saying why previous “investigations” have left these unresolved.

Why is Paiboon continuing investigations when the junta has previously tried to cover-up?

We don’t know the answers to the questions raised above nor to other questions.

Are there splits in the junta? Is a faction in the military seeking to get rid of Udomdej? Why are investigations continuing even after Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn has been a sponsor of the Foundation associated with the Park? Why has the junta been so agitated by a Facebook page posting about military officers associated with the scandal who have fled the country?

Update: The Bangkok Post has an editorial on Corruption Park. It begins: “Justice Minister Paiboon Koomchaya is correct. The public must be given full details about the construction of Rajabhakti Park, especially in areas where corruption is alleged to have taken place, before they can decide if the project is clean.” It observes:

Some people might regard Gen Paiboon’s reaction as possibly stemming from a personal agenda between him and former army chief Gen Udomdej…. Both Gen Paiboon and Gen Udomdej were tipped to become army chief after Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha retired two years ago. Although the top post went to Gen Udomdej, the sense of rivalry has reportedly lingered.

The Post rejects this. It accuses the Attorney-General’s office of an essentially biased and/or incompetent and far too limited investigation.

Meanwhile, a Bangkok Post story has more details on the flap about corruption in the military and involving the monarchy. It is a confusing and confused story, but emanating from within the military.While unstated in the

Given the incompetence of the police and authorities in “investigating” anything, the huffing and puffing is amusing: “Authorities plan to shut down a Facebook page that allegedly spread false information on two key lese majeste suspects in an act police believe was aimed at confusing their investigation.” Lies and confusion are the stock in trade of the uniforms in Thailand. The claim is that there are “50 people thought to be telling lies about suspects’ whereabouts…”.

The “suspects” are Colonel Khachachart Boondee and Major General Suchart Prommai. Why 50 others should be covering for them on Facebook and “misleading” so-called investigators is not stated. The “investigation” now seems to focus on a Facebook page rather than the alleged crimes.

The story states that the suspects are accused that “they solicited money which they claimed would be used to fund the production of T-shirts for the ‘Bike for Mom’ cycling event in August last year.” However, Colonel Khachachart Boondee, has also been mentioned as close to General Udomdej….





Udomdej wraps up investigation of himself

23 02 2016

Many strange things happen under the military dictatorship. But the reporting of the outcome of the Office of the Auditor-General’s “investigation” of Corruption Park, involving Deputy Defense Minister General Udomdej Sitabutr, takes the cake.

UdomdejThis report states that the Auditor-General “has found no corruption in the Rajabhakti Park project…”. Who is the source of this information? The Auditor-General? No. The spokesperson for this is none other than General Udomdej, chair of the Rajabhakti Park Foundation, and one of those at the very center of the investigation!

General Udomdej declared: “Senior officials of the Office of the Auditor-General (OAG) have wrapped up the investigation and concluded that all procedures had been followed correctly…”.

We don’t doubt that this would be the result because the junta and Udomdej have worked exceptionally hard to clear his name and to distance Udomdej from allegations of links to others who were accused of lese majeste.

Udomdej ticked off his own work, adding that an “investigation” by his buddies at the Royal Thai Army and the Defense Ministry had “also confirmed there had been no irregularties in the scheme and all activities had met the criteria stipulated by the Prime Minister’s Office…”.

Only the politically-pliable National Anti-Corruption Commission is still examining the project. No one should expect any surprises there.

Udomdej says he wants the investigations to finish so that he can have his pet project move on to build yet another “museum and an exhibition centre … [on] contributions of all former Thai kings…”. Monarchy museums seem to be the only kind of museum developed in Thailand these days.