More trouble in the palace

21 02 2017

A few days ago, PPT posted on the troubles facing Jumpol Manmai, a former deputy police commissioner and palace grand chamberlain.

Another palace official is in trouble, this time the incident is not so vague and he has clearly displeased the touchy king.

In yet another report that notes that “details of this article has been been omitted to comply with the criminal royal defamation law [lese majeste]…”, it is stated that “Air Vice Marshal Chitpong Thongkum, who served in the King’s bodyguard unit,” has been “fired … for alleged misconduct damaging to the royal household.”

Chitpong was “also stripped of his military ranks and royal decorations” for “offenses include stealing royal property, disclosing [the king’s] personal health records and failing to report to duty as required.” He lost “the eight royal decorations he had [previously] received.”

We guess that means a lese majeste charge will follow.

The royal household announcement at the Royal Gazette continued:

[Chitpong] disobeyed his supervisors and conducted himself in a manner inappropriate for his rank and duty…. Furthermore, he slackened, neglected and skipped his duties. He conducted himself undeservingly of His Majesty’s trusts, doing grave damage to His Majesty’s Household.

The announcement did not “give specific details about Chitpong’s alleged wrongdoing.”

The report states that “Chitpong, as well as serving in King Vajiralongkorn’s bodyguard unit, worked as a physician and started his own health supplement company in November 2016, which he described in a video as a ‘direct sales’ business” called Richkarherbs and he “made references to suggest that [the king] personally approved of his organic health products.” The website for that company now says: “This account has been suspended. Either the domain has been overused, or the reseller ran out of resources.” There’s still a Facebook page as we write this post and a YouTube marketing video for the company’s business.

Another report adds that “Chitpong is the latest in a string of people close to Vajiralongkorn to have been publicly stripped of their titles or seen legal cases brought against them.” There have been dozens over the years, including now former consorts and their families.

Because the king is paranoiac, erratic and a narcissist, and because so many hangers-on seek to profit from the royal relationship, we would expect these events to remain regular for this palace.





Palace problems

17 02 2017

A few days ago, the Bangkok Post reported that the police were investigating “encroachment of forest land in Thap Lan National Park in Nakhon Ratchasima allegedly committed by former deputy national police chief Jumpol Manmai and two other suspects.”

The details are in the report.

But, the report did not say much about Jumpol. As Jumpol is known as a “special” policeman and official, this is odd.jumpol

However, Khaosod, after a delay, has reported some of the truth. It’s report is headlined: “Grand Chamberlain Investigated for Land Encroachment.” The story begins:

A man who at the height of his career served in the innermost circle of the royal palace is now the subject of a criminal investigation.

Jumpol Manmai, a former deputy police commissioner and palace grand chamberlain, is accused of building a luxury mansion in a national park without permission, police announced earlier this week. The news came as a shock to many because he is said to be one of the closest confidantes of … the King.

The report adds that the police are “tight-lipped.” We guess this is because they don’t quite know what to do and how to deal with the case. It isn’t clear to them what’s happening.

In fact, no one is clear. Has Jumpol fallen out with the prince. Vajiralongkorn has a penchant for destroying those who fall out with him. Yet Jumpol only became Grand Chamberlain in September 2016.

Another possibility, and this is startling, is that someone is going after the king. Perhaps a delayed succession crisis?

Back to what is known. Deputy police chief Srivara Ransibrahmanakul is quoted as saying the investigation is a “confidential matter.” He added: “All of the details are in the case file, I cannot talk about them right now.”

It is also reported that “the authorities” told the media “not to report about Jumpol’s case before the police made official statements.”

It was Thai Rath that “broke ranks and briefly posted a story about Jumpol’s mansion in Thap Lan National Park and a possible police investigation into the alleged intrusion Friday afternoon before deleting it without explanation an hour later.”

Jumpol has quite a history. For one thing, after being sidelined as a Thaksinite following the 2006 military coup, he was back by 2009. This is what Khaosod says:

A policeman by trade, Jumpol is better known as a well-connected political player with links to both former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, the influential tycoon-turned-politician and de facto leader of the Redshirt movement, and the traditional establishment.

While he served as deputy police commissioner, Jumpol was considered for the top job at the police force in 2009, but did not make the final cut.

He’s considered by many political analysts to be a rare figure who can serve as a liaison between the Shinawatra clan and the palace circle.

After retiring from the force in 2010, Jumpol came back to the limelight in September when he was appointed deputy director of the Royal Household Bureau, a title also known as the Grand Chamberlain.

The job appeared to be tailor-made for him; the title of deputy director in the royal household did not exist prior to Jumpol’s appointment.

There’s more than this. Jumpol was rumored to be the then prince’s “candidate” for police chief back in 2009, which saw a major standoff with then premier Abhisit Vejjajiva. One result of this crisis was the resignation of secretary-general to PM Abhisit, Nipon Promphan, related by marriage to Suthep Thaugsuban.

Wikileaks has several cables that tell various elements of the police chief saga and the rumors of links between Jumpol and Thaksin: 21 Sept 2009, 24 Sept 2009, 28 Sept 2009, 6 Oct 2009.





Still getting the monarchy wrong

17 02 2017

Ralph Jennings, a Contributor at Forbes says he “cover[s] under-reported stories from Taiwan and Asia” but seems to specialize on China and Taiwan. Thus, venturing into things royal and Thailand is thus a stretch and a test of knowledge.

He’s right to observe that the monarchy in Thailand has “massive influence.”

But the picture he paints of the last king is pure palace propaganda when he states:

He had stopped coups, spearheaded rural infrastructure projects and met commoners in rough or squalid conditions. His actions helped strengthen people’s confidence in their country with an otherwise wobbly government.

Let’s correct a bit. He also initiated coups, as in 1957, and he supported coups, as in 2006, when it suited him. And that’s just two examples. He also supported right-wing extremists and acted as a prompt to massive blood-letting, as in 1976. The palace hand was always meddling in politics. The “infrastructure projects” are presumably the royal projects, many of them grand failures and, since the General Prem Tinsulanonda era, at great taxpayer expense.

And, “wobbly government” hardly seems to fit much of the reign, when the monarchy collaborated with ruthless military regimes, just as it does now.

The author is correct to observe that King Vajiralongkorn “is not expected to advocate changes in Thailand that reflect mass concerns or even go around meeting people.”

Recall that the dead king also essentially gave up “going to the people” for most of the last two decades of his reign. For one thing, he was too ill. For another, the “going to meet the people” was a political strategy for winning hearts and minds in his campaign to remake the monarchy. By the 1990s, this was largely achieved.

That King Vajiralongkorn is claimed to have “signaled little interest so far in shifting Thailand from quasi-military rule toward more democracy after a junta took power in 2014” seems an odd observation. And, in this quite natural political position for a monarchy such as Thailand’s, the new king follows the dead one.

That the new king wants more power for the throne is clear to all. That’s why the military’s “constitution” has been changed. But to say that the new version – we still don’t know the exact nature of the changes – allows the king “more freedom to travel overseas, where he has spent much of his life, and can appoint a regent to rule when he’s not around” is a misunderstanding of what The Dictator has let be known. The point of the changes was to allow him to not have a regent during his jaunts.

And, Mr Jennings must be the only one who thinks “[e]lections are due this year.”

He is right, however, to add that “[o]bservers believe that with King Vajiralongkorn, Thailand will continue to retain its strict lese-majeste laws, which ban any criticism of the monarchy.” That is a requirement of continued domination by a royalist elite.





The interventionist king

15 02 2017

Some time ago, PPT posted on the trove of documents released online by the CIA that can be searched and downloaded online.

In that post we also mentioned one document about General Sarit Thanarat’s 1957 military coup and the king’s alleged involvement, at least as far as the Americans were concerned.

A reader has now sent us another document, from the same source, saying more about this. Here’s the document in full, as a PDF. And we have a couple of clips below. The first from earlier in the document:

king-and-coupAnd then this, reflecting on the palace’s involvement:

king-and-coup1





Buddhism, the palace and propaganda

13 02 2017

As we have stated previously, PPT doesn’t usually follow the shenanigans within the sangha, except where these impact politics and the palace.

Most assuredly, the long-running fight to have an appropriately conservative monk, acceptable to anti-democrats and royalists, appointed as supreme patriarch has fulfilled the impact on politics and palace criteria. For earlier posts on this very public political battle, see here and here.

In that battle, the junta’s minions went after the most senior monks in line for the top job. They accused them of, among other things, fraud, luxury living and other “crimes,” but all part of a view that the most senior contenders were politically unacceptable to the military regime and its supporters.

Because Buddhism is a political field strewn with booby traps, the junta decided that the way out of what had become an unseemly political battle with senior monks, including the sangha’s governing body, was to change the law on who selected the supreme patriarch.

The puppet National Legislative Assembly (NLA) has hurriedly pushed through an amendment to the 1962 Sangha Act, as amended in 1992, to restore what was falsely described as “an old tradition” which gave the king the right to name the supreme patriarch. He soon did choose, and it was not one of the controversial senior monks the junta had nixed.

While we only have The Dictator’s word for it, he claimed the king then asked everyone involved in the investiture of the supreme patriarch to ensure there were no problems. The investiture went ahead yesterday.

Immediately, a propaganda offensive has been launched to justify the king’s selection, to shore up the supreme patriarch’s position and that of the junta as well. As with the king himself, this involves a sanitized and approved version of “the truth.”

This new version of “truth” can be read here. A different story is available, recounting some of the politics of the unacceptable truth.

The last time that there was a major political and palace intervention in the position of the supreme patriarch was under the earlier dictator, General Sarit Thanarat, in the early 1960s.





Lese majeste trials go forward

10 02 2017

In yet another in-camera court meeting, on 10 February 2017, Jatuphat Boonpattararaksa has been indicted under the lese majeste law and the Computer Crimes Act.

It should be recalled that Pai, and anti-junta activist, is one of several thousand who reposted a BBC Thai news report on King Vajiralongkorn.

He is being singled out and framed by the junta and palace because he is a political activist and to send a powerful message that the king’s personal life has to be sanitized for Thais.

Pai was yet again refused bail.

Supporters, denied access to the trial stated: “The judicial system behind us is not independent and just.”

Meanwhile, the lese majeste trial of Sao Saengmuang began in a military court on 9 February 2017.

A lawyer from Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) “submitted a letter to the authorities suggesting that the suspect should not be indicted due to his psychosis…”.

However, “military prosecutors indicted him after psychiatrists from the Galya Rajanagarindra Institute in Bangkok concluded in December 2015 that Sao is fit to stand trial in a military court after he was sent to the Institute for a psychiatric evaluation.”

Sao was arrested following a complaint by staff of the Supreme Court where Sao had tried to make a complaint:

His complaint stated that controversial former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra had misallocated the property of the late King Bhumibol. He claimed that he was in charge of managing 7 billion baht (196 million USD)….

He still claims to be able to contact Thaksin by telepathy through a TV and maintains that his claims about the King’s property are true.

The military prosecutors decided to use lese majeste because Sao’s “complaint contained references to the Thai Monarchy and were defamatory to the late King.”

The military court has scheduled the next trial on the case on 25 May 2017.

This is one of several cases where the mentally ill have been charged and/or convicted of lese majeste.





“Election” slipping IV

9 02 2017

On the last day of 2016, PPT posted that there had been quite a few indications that the promised “election” would be delayed from 2017 to 2018. Then we observed that the military junta had an addition to repression and control, meaning that their authoritarian rule is likely to be extended for as long as it desires, especially as opposition has been pretty much neutralized.

We see no reason to change that view. Not least because the junta’s legal minion and deputy prime minister Wissanu Krea-ngam has finally admitted that there will be no “election” in 2017.

That’s just one more promise nixed by the military dictatorship. It has been a repeated promise since the day of the coup in 2014, broken again and again. As the Post reports, the junta “had earlier set rough deadlines for elections via … [its] ‘roadmap’ in 2015, 2016 and 2017.”

Wissanu set a record for breaking a promise. He first said: “One year from today, there’ll be elections…”. Seconds later he said:

Please don’t force [the government] to give a specific schedule for the election…. We can only roughly estimate it…. In future we will talk about the election schedule in broad terms, not the exact timing….

National elections will take place when the junta feels it can adequately control the outcome. That desired outcome is no Thaksin Shinawatra, no Thaksin proxies and no political party having power to change anything the junta has put in place. More “positively,” the junta prefers that it continue to control things for the next 15 to 20 years.

Of course, this depends on the current junta being able to maintain its influence over a seemingly divided military and maintaining its coalition with the palace.

The junta’s servants are reportedly still at work on the constitutional changes demanded by the king. Wissanu said the amended charter would go back to the king on 18 February, and he has up to 90 days to think about it.

Wissanu reckons neither the Democrat Party and Puea Thai Party object to another “election” delay. Lies and broken promises are important parts of the junta’s political arsenal.